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How some politicians survive the economic crisis in the country.
http://www.svitske.tv/gallery/495
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June 17 2009
Vol.10 No. 16
червня
People&Culture&Politics&Business

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Nazi torturing trio of Wolf, Wirzing and Shultz vs Demjanjuk TOP
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Oleh Olzhych (Kandyba)
(July 8,1907 - June 10, 1944)
Today, when German law limits the prosecution of Germans for Nazi war crimes, Germany is getting ready to prosecute, for Nazi war crimes, a Ukrainian prisoner of war captured by the Germans, as they razed Ukraine and brought its people to their knees (with 8 million Ukrainians killed in WWII, 2.3 slave labourers in Germany and 10 million left homeless). As Germany is gearing up for a politically motivated, justice impaired, show trial of the John Demjanjuk to teach young Germans that their ancestors were not entirely to blame for the Holocaust, Ukrainians are remembering another Nazi sacrifice  -- a leader of the Organization of Ukrainian Nationalists, who at 37 years old was tortured to death by the NAZI trio of Wolf, Wirzing and Shultz.

Sixty-five years ago, on June 10, 1944, Nazi torturers murdered Oleh Olzhych (Kandyba), a 37-year-old archeologist, poet, publicist and patriot. Prior to his arrest by the Gestapo in the spring of 1944, he directed underground activities in Nazi-occupied Ukraine. He was the acting head of the Organization of Ukrainian Nationalists while the actual leader, Col. Andrii Melnyk, was incarcerated together with several other Ukrainian political leaders at the Sachsenhausen concentration camp. Olzhych left Ukraine with his father, popular Ukrainian poet Oleksandr Oles, after the Russian Communist takeover in 1923. He studied archeology in Prague (then Czechoslovakia), wrote several scientific papers and later lectured at Harvard University in Cambridge, Mass. In 1938 he returned to Europe, leaving his position at Harvard and his American fiancée to represent the Ukrainian nationalist leadership in the short-lived independent Carpatho-Ukraine. He was arrested by the Gestapo in Lviv on May 25, 1944 and imprisoned at the Sachsenhausen concentration camp.

Today the German government and media are expending considerable effort into trying to find a scapegoat, in order to minimize their culpability by attempting to spread it to Ukraine and the peoples of other nations they invaded and devoured. However, their Gestapo representatives such as Wolf, Wirzing and Shultz undermine their own country's credibility. Thus, Germany should stick to its achievements in the realm of tragedy, for which it is historically and culturally known, rather than venturing into the realm of farce, where it appears to be perilously headed. 

Myroslava Oleksiuk

Моя відповідь ‘майданівцям’ TOP

Редакція е-ПОШТИ продовжує дискусію навколо Відкритого листа Марти Онуфрів щодо позиції  "Майдану" у справі Івана Дем`янюка. На жаль, у відповідях уповноважених від адмінгрупи "Майдану" (http://www2.maidanua.org/news/download_thread.php3?bn=maidan_free&thread=1243876677&trs=-1) в контексті справи I. Дем`янюка не знайшлося місця на головне: протидії міжнародній змові проти українців, України, зокрема відстоювання честі й гідності сущих у світі українців. Сумно, але ці уповноважені своїми відповідями скерували форумівців здебільшого в русло особистих нападів на журналіста, правозахисника Марту Онуфрів. Внаслідок чого змусили автора Відкритого листа вдатися до свого захисту (нижче подаємо "Мою відповідь "майданівцям" М. Онуфрів). Гадаємо, шо словесні баталії між е-Поштою й "Майданом" підуть багатьом читачам на користь, а це - в утвердженні свого національного "Я", при тім - помимо негараздів і непевності в Україні. Адже життя триває, а за перемогу добра над злом потрібно добряче поборотися.

Моя відповідь ‘майданівцям’

Правду кажучи, я очікувала від адмінгрупи «Майдану» не зведення порахунків зі мною, а арґументованої відповіді по справі Івана Дем`янюка (Відкритий лист у справі антиукраїнської позиції редакції «Майдану» та інших українських видань. http://www.eposhta.com/stories/ePOSHTA_090529_CanadaUS.html). Як виглядає, відповісти було нічого, тож вирішили скерувати своїх форумівців на цькування мене як особистості (чи, може, «блискуче» попрацювали модератори сайту «Майдану»?) (http://www2.maidanua.org/news/download_thread.php3?bn=maidan_free&thread=1243876677&trs=-1).

Звісно, адмінгрупа «не зауважила» того, що в останньому номері е-ПОШТИ було вміщено багато інформацій про І. Дем`янюка (http://www.eposhta.com/stories/ePOSHTA_090529_CanadaUS.html), зокрема звернення редакції до читачів влаштовувати під посольствами й консульствами Німеччини протестні акції в усіх країнах поселення українців. Окрім того, в е-ПОШТІ було передруковано публікації про львівську акцію протесту проти подвійних стандартів німецької Феміди, організовану Українською народною партією та за участю Української республіканської партії, заяву проводу УНП з приводу нової судової розправи над І. Дем`янюком, а також низку світлин із місця пікетування.

Приємно, що врешті патріоти України стали поважно трактувати ганебне мюнхенське судилище, яке здійснюватиметься виключно задля дискредитації українців та України, щогірше – навішування на нас, українців, колективної відповідальності за ницистські злочини впродовж Другої світової війни.

Прикро усвідомлювати, що ні в членів адмінгрупи «Майдану», ні в більшості відвідувачів форуму, не прокинулося звичайнісіньке людське співчуття: стару й немічну людину, вина якої впродовж майже 30 років не доказана, піддають новим мукам і знущанням. Вочевидь, єдиною розв`язкою для антиукраїнських сил, зокрема німецької Феміди, може  бути фізичне викінчення нещасного І. Дем`янюка в тюрмі.

Невже всі майданівці без роду й племені, ні в кого з них не було жодного дідуся, до якого можна б «приміряти» трагедію 89-річного немічного старця? Скажу, що мотивацією участі в Комітеті помочі родині Дем`янюка (80-і роки минулого століття, США-Канада) одного з колишніх активних членів було: «На місці цього чоловіка міг опинитися мій батько».

Мені соромно за адмінгрупу «Майдану», бо вона використала мій відкритий лист далеко не зі шляхетною метою, а для огульного очорнення української діаспори.  Пригадаю, що, зокрема, на «Майдані» було опубліковано чимало моїх статей про роль української діаспори в боротьбі за відродження Української держави (окремих українських політиків у контексті прем`єр-міністра Д. Діфенбейкера, генерал-губернатора Канади Р. Гнатишина), зокрема у збереженні й примноженні української культурної спадщини (академіка-театрознавця В. Ревуцького, видрук у діаспорі перших поетичних збірок В. Стуса та ін.). 

Але чи мають право так катеґорично судити про значення української діаспори ті, які  прагнуть про неї почерпнути знання з недоброзичливих чуток (чи не зі совєтських джерел?), а, можливо, й страждають комплексом упередженості?!

Нечесно теж повелася зі мною адмінгрупа «Майдану»,  піддаючи сумнівам мою патріотичну позицію, щобільше – натякаючи на мою ідеологічну спорідненість із большевицьким режимом.  А тому хочу пригадати тим, у кого куценька пам`ять, наступне: разом із моїми критичними заувагами щодо розміщення матеріалів адмінгрупою «Майдану» я неодноразово подавала дещицю про себе: з числа новоприбулих (а це – не представник старої діаспори, яку адмінгрупа «Майдану» звинуватили мало не в усіх гріхах), по порушенню прав людини дійшла до Верховного Совєта СССР, коли за подібне вольнодумство чорними воронками відвозили до психушок; колишній активний член Української Гельсінської Спілки; ініціатор і координатор Північноамериканської групи підтримки Комітету «Україна без Кучми».

Один із канадських епізодів:  у несамовиту спеку, з неймовірно високим тиском (у мене - гіпертонія), я ходила від одного українського бізнесу до другого, щоб зібрати гроші на винайм автобуса до Оттави. Мета: протестувати під посольством України в Канаді проти злочинного режиму Л. Кучми (тоді такі протести частенько відбувалися під Генеральним консульством України в Торонто).

Ціла епопея: моя тримісячна участь у президентських виборах-2004, одна з моїх тодішніх перемог - припинення голодування студенської молоді в Сумах (жодні наступні вибори в Україні не відбувалися без моєї участі як  всюдисущого журналіста, а також як журналіста при місії канадських спостерігачів). Звісно, я неодноразово дивилися смерті у вічі, як і чимало не так уже й віддалених моїх предків або ближчих членів моєї родини.

Однак про мою еміґрацію. Доведена до фізичного виснаження трирічним ґебістським терором, у лютому 1991 року я виїхала до Канади. Ціль: доглянути мого старого батька, греко-католицького священика. І, як виявилося, завдяки канадській медицині вижила. Утім, усупереч усьому я вперто залишаюся громадянкою України.

Ще один штрих до мого патріотизму не совєтського, а українського зразка. Про це теж мали б пам`ятати певні персоналії з адмінгрупи «Майдану» (з мого електронного листа  від 25.03.09р.): «У 1992 році я закінчувала мій есей «Судилище триває» і передавала друкований рукопис в Україну перед моєю операцією (діагноз: рак молочної залози). У той надзвичайно важкий час у мене не могло бути альтернативи: мушу приложитися до врятування честі українців, зокрема невинно оскарженої жертви. А що для цього зробили нині Ви, молоді й здорові?!»

А тепер ширше зупинюся на темі українського патріотизму, завжди культивованого в моїй родини. Мій відносно недалекий предок князь М. Глинський, протестуючи проти деспотизму російського царату, поставив на кін не тільки свій титул, маєтності, благополуччя родини, а навіть життя. На щастя, йому та його родині поталанило врятуватися втечею з Кам`янець-Подільська до Галичини.

Моя прабабуся Е. Комар, німецького роду, - в голодний 1942 рік, саме в ньому я народилася, - заявила: «Від злочинного нацистського режиму ми нічого не потребуємо (йшлося про преференції для фольксдойчерів, зокрема харчові картки)». Ця велика українська патріотка не тільки сприяла вихованню своїх онуків як жертовних українських націоналістів, але й допомагала в їхній підпільній діяльності.

До речі, «Майдан» вміщав матеріал про одного з моїх дядьків - Зиновія Матлу, провідника похідних груп ОУН-р (польська окупаційна влада засудила його до кари смерті, згодом помилувала; перегодя він перебував у нацистському концтаборі разом зі Степаном Бандерою).

Мою тітку Ірену Пик, громадянку США, студентку Львівського університету, як члена екзекутиви молодіжної Організації українських націоналістів совєтський режим засудив до розстрілу. Ось витяг із її останнього слова на львівському судовому «процесі 59-ти» (січень 1941 р.): «... Я поділяю всі думки і завдання ОУН, знала, що борюся за повстання проти радянської влади, як член ОУН є ворогом радянської влади... як член ОУН я свідомо боролася за створення самостійної України шляхом повалення радянської влади». Заувага: цей процес названо за кількістю підсудних, 13 осіб засуджено до найвищої міри покарання, решту – до 25-10 років совєтських концтаборів. Після оголошення вироку українські патріоти виходили зі судової зали з високо піднятими головами й окликами «Слава Україні!».

Мій батько, о. Григорій Онуфрів, був таємним капеляном УПА (зі сім`єю його розлучив вир Другої світової війни).

Моя дорога матуся, Лідія Пик-Онуфрів, громадянка США, перейшла в СССР через ґебістський терор із нескінченними спробами вербування. Її постійно звільняли з роботи, тож вона повсякчас дивилася в голодні очі своїх трьох донечок, зрештою, після Голодомору 1946-47 років похоронила наймолодшу. Однак вона вистояла й не пішла на співпрацю з КҐБ. Ця праведниця прожила надзвичайно важке життя, до краю наповнене величезною людською гідністю й великим українським патріотизмом.

Що ж до мене, то, зокрема, переді мною, медалісткою без медалі, були закриті двері до всіх вузів СССР, тим більше  –  до гуманітарних. Тільки завдяки щасливому збігові обставин мені вдалося поступити до Львівського політехнічного інституту.

Думаю, що після викладу моїх міркувань і патріотичного фактажу багато майданівців (і не тільки) замисляться над своєю життєвою позицією. Пораджу: ніколи не пізно розпочати нове життя, в якому є місце для людських чеснот, великої самопожертви, а також відстоювання національних інтересів.

Марта Онуфрів (Канада, Торонто), журналіст, правозахисник

Мерія Києва: Краще 'Sex Shop' на Майдані ніж українську музику та сувеніри! TOP
Той хто був у Києві пам'ятає, що на Майдані Незалежності біля Центральної Пошти, продаються українські сувеніри і українська музика.

Головне, що це виключно українська музика тут продається, що дає можливість розповсюдити традиційну музику туристам, та навіть мешканцям Києва та України, які приїхали відвідати столицю. Справа в тому, що мер Черновецький кожні пару місяців виганяє цих продавців щоб вони там не продавали. Мабуть турбується про естетику Києва!!!

Вони гарно, чемно стоять там, виклавши українську музику. Питання, чому ж виганяти, як вони роблять ту роботу, яку сам п.Черновецький не робить? Наприклад, на День Києва коли я пройшла Хрещатиком, були виступи російською мовою. Я не проти російської, це, між іншим, моя перша мова, але це ж День Києва! Я хочу слухати українську музику, співи, танці. Натомість п.Черновецький ще і виставу авт по всій вулиці зробив. Ми знаємо що п.Черновецький має гарні авта в своїй особистій колекції, одні з найдорожчих у світі  - наприклад, "Майбах" за $650 тис!! Але навіщо нам, українцям, в День Києва дивитись на колекцію авт? Чому не була виставка Трипілля натомість, або щось традиційно українського?


Цей "Майбах" Черновецький придбав три роки назад за $650 тис. Вистава колекції авт Черновецького і його родини http://vokzal.net.ua/vip/politics/ukr/texts/653.html

Далі повертаючись до тих, хто продає виключно українську музику на Майдані, і тим рекламує нашу культуру, їх постійно турбують від влади. Навіть ліцензію пару разів відібрали.

Якщо Вам не байдуже,  висловіть своє незадоволення беспосередньо представникам Києвськоміської Ради на електронну адресу:
info@kmr.gov.ua
Леонід Михайлович Черновецький
Мер Києва
або
Заступник мiського голови - cекретар Київради Олесь Станiславович


А ось мер не думає про провулок Шевченка - вулиця трохи вище Майдану, буквально п'ять кроків від торговельного центру "Глобус" - тут, якраз спочатку вулиці по стороні музею Шевченка є "sex shop" і трохи

вище якраз напроти музею Шевченка хтось відкрив "Сауна 24 години" ... всі розуміють що це за "Сауна 24 години"! Чи це не бентежить мера? А він турбується натомість українською музикою і сувенірами на Майдані.

Ганьба!

Кореспондент е-ПОШТИ в Україні

Ukrainian community makes presentation to The Canadian Museum for Human Rights TOP

Ottawa, June 11, 2009 - Canada's Ukrainian Community today presented its submission to the Content Advisory Committee of the Canadian Museum for Human Rights.  The presentation was delivered by Prof. Lubomyr Luciuk, Chairman Ukrainian Canadian Civil Liberties Association on behalf of the Ukrainian Canadian Congress.

"The Ukrainian Canadian community has been supportive of the Museum since the late Israel Asper presented the concept to the Ukrainian Canadian Congress some 6 years ago" stated Paul Grod, UCC National President.  "Our goal in these consultations is to ensure that the Content Advisory Committee maintains the commitment to the Museum's substance and governance as we agreed to with its founders.  Particularly important to our community is to ensure the Holodomor and Canada's First National Internment Operations are presented in prominent and permanent galleries."

To view the entire Ukrainian Canadian Congress submission click here presentation brief.

Canadians are encouraged to actively participate in these consultations as this Museum will play an important role in educating young Canadians about the human rights stories in Canada and around the world.

"Canada's Ukrainians have endured more than their share of hardships and discrimination", stated Prof. Lubomyr Luciuk, "but in concert with our fellow Canadians we stand fully committed to supporting a national institution that will help forge a Canadian identity, one that does not oblige us to forget where we came from yet motivates us all to move forward together."

The dates, locations and registration information for the other consultations across Canada are available at: schedule.

We also encourage those that are unable to participate in the consultations to register their opinions online at Canadian Museum for Human Rights.

About UCC - The Ukrainian Canadian Congress (UCC) brings together one of Canada's largest ethnic communities (1.5M).  UCC has been coordinating and representing the interests of the Ukrainian Canadian community for almost 70 years.  Ukrainian Canadians are proud to be one of Canada's founding peoples helping to settle Canada starting almost 120 years ago and being instrumental in shaping Canada and Canadian values such as Multiculturalism.

Let's support Ukraine's wonders in "New 7 Wonders of Nature" voting TOP

New 7 Wonders of Nature is a contemporary effort to create a list of seven natural wonders chosen by people through a global poll

Voting for nominees will continue through July 7, 2009. Then the New7Wonders of Nature Panel of Experts, under the leadership of Prof. Federico Mayor, the longest-standing former Director-General of UNESCO, will review the top 77 nominees and choose the 21 finalists, to be announced on 21 July 2009. The 21 finalists will then be put to popular vote.

The final declaration of the New7Wonders of Nature will be in 2011.
There are two nominations from UKRAINE:

  1. Askania-Nova - a biosphere reserve (Group E) and
  2. Dnipro River (Group F).

You are invited to support Ukraine! Full list of nominees

Допомога потрібна в боротьбі за молоде життя TOP
Син Анатолія Бублика, члена Української Громади, 15-річний Едик потребує допомоги.

Родина Едика вже півроку бореться за його молоде життя. У січні цього року лікарі поставили страшний діагноз – гостра лімфобластна лейкемія – рак крові.

Силами батьків був створений сайт www.edder.com.ua, на якому Ви знайдете детальну інформацію про Едика і те, як йому допомогти.

Будемо вдячні за посильну допомогу!

З повагою
Українська Громада

Links to event postings TOP

Do you maintain a web-based list of events for your city or region? Let us know and we'll add a link to your site from the e-POSHTA newsletter.

 Canada

 United States

Toronto: Award winning film: The English Surgeon - now in theatre TOP
Globe and Mail
Jun. 12, 2009


Harrowing both physically and emotionally, but also filled with humour and deep insight, The English Surgeon follows 58-year-old British neurosurgeon Henry Marsh on one of his trips to Ukraine where he faces life and death decisions.

The film shows Marsh, a man of dry wit, humility and impressive self-possession under pressure, as he leaves his London home with a crate full of medical supplies for his semi-annual trip to Ukraine. He has been a regular visitor to Kyiv since his first trip in 1992 to deliver a series of medical lectures after the fall of the Soviet Union. He discovered appallingly equipped hospitals and patients who were left to die because of a shortage of trained staff and equipment.

Complete review:
http://www.theglobeandmail.com/news/arts/the-english-surgeon/article1169051/

From the above title, no one would ever guess this documentary takes place in Ukraine. I saw it last year at the Hot Docs fest where it got the best international entry award which it truly deserved.

It has been playing at Toronto's Carlton Theatre. EYE, NOW and the STAR reviewed it and gave it a high recommendation. The best review being in EYE, while NOW had a few sloppy errors but still rated it highly.

It is 99% in Ukrainian except when Dr. Henry Marsh speaks and even he says a few words in Ukrainian. The Ukainian doctor, Ihor Kurilets, (in the subtitles - Igor) is an amazing individual and the patients young and old show courage that I found humbling. These people create miracles under very trying conditions.

It's a rare opportunity for Anglos and us to to see dedication, courage, resourcefulness and strength of ordinary Ukrainians.

Ihor Tomkiw

Chicago: Artistic Trio exhibit -- Jun. 5 - 27 TOP
Chicago: Olga Antonenko exhibit -- Jun. 14 - Jul. 26 TOP




Toronto: Community picnic in the park with MP Borys Wrzesnewskyj -- Jun. 17 TOP

Dear Friend!

Summertime is just around the corner; a time when many of us have the opportunity to enjoy a much needed and deserved vacation, and to take advantage of the warm weather with family and friends.

To celebrate the beginnings of summer, over the past several years, alongside my provincial counterpart, the Hon. Donna Cansfield, I have had the privilege to host a Community Picnic. This event brings together hundreds of Etobians from all walks of life, for an evening of camaraderie, food, and music. Old and new friends get together and strengthen the social fabric of our community.

This June 17th, I invite you, your loved ones, and your friends to join me at the JS Woodsworth Homestead, "Applewood," for a BBQ, pleasant conversation, warm laughter, and lots of fun! From 5:00-7:00 PM, come by and partake in some of our favourite summer foods -- hotdogs and hamburgers straight off the grill! Afterwards, from 7:00-8:30, stay and experience a stroll down memory lane with the delightful sounds of one of our community's jems, the Etobicoke Community Concert Band. Those of you who are brave enough can even show off your dancing skills!

I hope you will join me on June 17th. Wishing you and your families a wonderful and relaxing summer!

Respectfully,

Borys Wrzesnewskyj,
Member of Parliament -- Etobicoke Centre

For more details, please see below, or contact Oriana in my constituency office (416.249.7322)



Toronto: Ed Burstynsky Memorial Lecture -- Jun. 18 TOP


Toronto: From Toronto with Love - HUHC Casino night -- Jun. 19 TOP

For Information: HUHTC 416-604-4611 or huhtc.casino@gmail.com

Website: http://www.helpushelpthechildren.ca

Purchase Tickets Online: http://www.tickettrunk.com

Edmonton, AB: Ukrainian Village makes learning fun at Children’s Pioneer Fun Days -- Jun. 19 & 23 TOP
Edmonton -- 1,500 students will descend on the Ukrainian Cultural Heritage Village on both Friday, June 19 and Tuesday, June 23

What better way to celebrate the end of the school year than to attend Children’s Pioneer Fun Days, an increasingly popular program with numerous urban and rural schools participating.

Students will step back in time, as they play historic games and learn school lessons that their ancestors would have experienced.  They are sure to work up an appetite, sharing chores in various farm activities.  So much to do, but there’s still time for /pyrohy/ (perogy), ice cream and butter making.  Don’t forget the clay plastering (to protect and insulate log buildings), /pysanky/ (egg decorating), and petting zoo.  Kid-friendly entertainment will abound.  When was history this much fun?

The Ukrainian Cultural Heritage Village is located 25 minutes east of Edmonton on Highway 16.  Hours of Operation: 10 am – 6 pm daily Victoria Day weekend to Labour Day and weekends Labour Day to Thanksgiving Day.  For more information, visit http://www.ukrainianvillage.ca/ or call 780-662-3640, dialing 310-0000 first for toll-free access.

New York: Applause please -- Jun. 20 TOP


Bohdana Smyrnova's

black and white Ukrainian short film from 2001

Les demarches des papiers

has become a finalist in the Short Slam in 92Y Tribeca 

The finale will be playing in

Saturday, June 20, at 8 pm.
92Y Tribeca cinema,
200 Hudson Street
New York, NY

Bohdana Smyrnova writes:

This is especially exciting because it would not have happened without my dear friends who came there to support me. 

The principle of the competition is very simple  - the one who gets the most applauds wins. 

Now that I am a finalist, I'm only asking you to come see a bunch of shorts and support me with as much noise as possible - if I win, I will get two return tickets on Jet Blue, and I really would like to see some further parts of the US!

The tickets are here:

See you!
Bohdana Smyrnova
Toronto: Canada Day & Constitution Day of Ukraine -- Jun. 25 TOP
Canada: John Stetch TV Trio at Canadian jazz festivals -- Jun. 25 - Jul. 20 TOP


John Stetch TV Trio @ Canadian Jazz Festivals:

June 25 -- 4:30 PM, Library and Archives Canada, Ottawa

June 27 -- Noon, Main stage, Nathan Phillips Square, Toronto

June 29 -- 8 PM, Manitoba Theatre Centre, Winnipeg (opening for Blue Note at 50)

July 1st -- 8:30 PM, Hermann's, Victoria

July 2nd -- 7:30 PM, Centre in Vancouver for Performing Arts (opening for Blue Note at 50)

July 6th -- 8-9 PM, and 10-11 PM, Stage Club Jazz Banque TD Canada Trust, Montreal (outdoors)

Solo, collaborating with other musicians:

July 11-20 -- Music-By-The-Sea Festival, Bamfield, BC

Washington, D.C.: 45th anniversary of inauguration of monument to Taras Shevchenko -- Jun. 27 TOP


President Dwight D. Eisenhower at unveiling of Taras Shevchenko monument in Washington, D.C.
June 27, 1964

Tentative schedule of events at the Taras Shevchenko monument

27 June 2009, 11 am

Reverend Fathers' ecumenical prayer

A music piece by Ukrainian Church Choir (maybe Ukraine's and US National Anthems)

Ambassador of Ukraine

Representative from the Ukrainian American community

White House

State Department

City Mayor's Office

National Park Service

National Mall and Memorial Parks

The Choir, Bandura Player and Children Reciting poems will perform in between the dignitaries' speeches (lyrics by Taras Shevchenko)

The entire event will take about 40 minutes.

Toronto: 18th anniversary of Ukraine's Independence Day -- Aug. 22 TOP


Hamilton / Toronto: PAPA DUKE a hit! -- Aug. 28 & 30 TOP

Super offer!  Order your tickets now and we will deliver them to your door in the Toronto area.  This is a limited time offer!

PAPA DUKE A HIT ON PBS WNED-TV!

It was expected, but not to such an extent. As a result of the two broadcasts of the PAPA DUKE Television Specials by PBS WNED-TV (Buffalo/Toronto) the tickets sales for the Toronto live concert show on Sunday, August 30th @ 4 pm are going fast. Twenty-nine percent (29%) of the tickets have already been sold.  Buy your tickets now, before all are sold out.

The lucky holders of the tickets will experience a once in a lifetime experience at the small and intimate Assembly Hall Theatre (corner Lake Shore Blvd. West & Kipling Avenue). This modern Theatre with only 265 seats will give the audience the intimacy as if being on the stage with the PAPA DUKE Ensemble. The Theatre is equipped with most up to date technology of lights and sound systems. There are seats and an elevator for the disabled.

According to Mark Zuravinsky, the manager of the PAPA DUKE Ensemble, a new television special is in the works to be filmed in Ukraine.  Two possible filming locations are being considered: the grand Lviv Opera House: http://pinker.wjh.harvard.edu/photos/poland_and_ukraine/pages/
Lvov%20opera%20house.htm

or the St. Michael's Cathedral Square
http://thedeltafox.smugmug.com/gallery/3700642_paMCV/2/212005371_
ZW4bR#212003096_fZia5

in Kyiv, a striking location with the background of the golden domes of the cathedral as a fitting backdrop.  This would be a Canada-Ukraine co-production destined for global distribution on a greater scale than the present television special which is being aired by such television networks as CCTV Television in China (last broadcast viewed by 26.4 millions of Chinese viewers), of course PBS Television Network in the US, and other television networks around the world.

Tickets for the Toronto performance on Sunday, August 30th at 4 pm at the Assembly Hall Theatre (corner Lake Shore Blvd. & Kipling Ave.) can be ordered by e-mailing your request to encore1@rogers.com or by calling Tel. 416-521-9555.  Reserved seats are at $50 + $3.75 (convenience charge per each ticket) =$53.75.  Choose your seats from the Assembly Hall Theatre seating plan below, then send a cheque payable to Encore Productions and mail it to: Encore Productions, 2323 Lake Shore Blvd. West, Suite 911, Toronto, Ontario, Canada M8V 1B8 and we will promptly mail you the ordered tickets.  Order your tickets today before all are sold out!  See seating plan below. Choose your ROW and SEAT number, then order your tickets.

For the Hamilton Place Studio Theatre performance on Saturday, August 28th @ 7:30 pm order your tickets by calling 905-527-7666 or go to: www.ticketmaster.ca using your credit card. (Just type in "PAPA DUKE" in the search window).  When you buy the tickets from TICKETMASTER, you will have to pay a convenience charge of C$6.25 for each ticket. BUT, if you buy the tickets directly from us, you will pay only C$3.75 convenience fee per each ticket. That's a SAVING to you of C$2.50 per each ticket!  Choose your ROW and SEAT number and email to us at encore1@rogers.com  or call us at 416-521-9555 with your order. We will PROMTLY send you the tickets after receiving your payment in the form of a check payable to Encore Productions.  Please send your cheque to: Encore Productions, 2323 Lake Shore Blvd. W., Suite 911, Toronto, Ontario, Canada M8V 1B8. 

Below is the Hamilton Place Studio Theatre seating plan:



Чікаґо: Виставка мистецького тріо -- 5 - 27 червня TOP
Торонто: Обє’днання "Слово” - Вечір в пам’ять Богдана Ігоря Антонича -- 19 червня TOP

Наукове Товариство ім. Шевченка в Торонті

і Літературно–мистецьке обє’днання „Слово” при НТШ

запрошують на вечір в пам’ять

БОГДАНА ІГОРЯ АНТОНИЧА

в п’ятницю, 19 червня 2009 р., о год. 7:30 вечора
в Канадсько-Українській Мистецькій Фундації
КУМФ: 2118-A Bloor St.W., 2-гий поверх
(між зупинками підземки High Park і Runnymede)

В програмі:

  • вступ (проф. Максим Тарнавський)
  • розповідь про життя й творчість Богдана Ігоря Антонича (д-р Марко Р. Стех)
  • читання віршів Антонича і фраґменту лібретта «Довбуш» (Лариса Баюс, Юрій Келебай, Стефан Ґеник-Березовський)
  • музична інтерлюдія: камерна кантата Юрія Ланюка на слова Антонича («Перший сніг» і «Скарги терну»)
  • розмова при каві, чаю і солодкім

Вступ за добровільними датками.

Сент-Кетринс / Торонто: Доповідь Президента - "Світовий Конґрес Українців: сучасний стан і перспективи" -- 19 і 20 червня TOP

Президент Світового Конґресу Українців адвокат

Евген Чолій

виголосить доповідь на тему:

Світовий Конґрес Українців:
сучасний стан і перспективи

Сент-Кетринс
п’ятниця, 19 червня 2009 р., поч. о 6:30

Чорноморський дім
455 Welland Avenue
St-Catharines, ON

Торонто
субота, 20 червня 2009 р., поч. о 6:30

Канадсько-українська мистецька фундація
2118-А, Bloor Street West,
Toronto, ON

До участі у цьому заході запрошується вся українська громада.

Додаткову інформацію можна отримати, задзвонивши до канцелярії Світового Конґресу Українців по телефону (416) 323-3020.

Світовий Конґрес Українців
145 Evans Ave., #207
Toronto, ON
M8X 5X8 Canada
Tel. (416) 323-3020
Fax (416) 323-3250
e-mail: congress@look.ca
website: www.ukrainianworldcongress.org

Торонто: Наукова оцінка і політична боротьба довколо Голодомору як ґеноциду -- 21 червня TOP


Торонто: 18 річниця незалежності - Конґрес Українців Канади -- 23 серпня TOP
Super nanny available TOP
Available, experienced Ukrainian tri-lingual (Ukrainian, English, Russian) super nanny to take care of Ukrainian children. Canadian Nurse's medical certificate. Excellent references. Only live-out. Call Diana: 647-242-2871

Суперняня з педагогічною освітою доглядає дітей TOP
Досвічена українська суперняня з  педагогічною освітою та канадійським сертифікатом медсестри доглядає дітей різного віку. Мова спілкування - українська, англійська, при потребі - російська. Тільки без проживання. Тел. 647-242-2871 (Діана)

Ukrainian Orthodox Church of USA Camping Programs TOP

http://www.uocyouth.org/UOCCP.html

The Ukrainian Orthodox Church of the USA offers three outstanding programs for the youth of our church

Teenage Conference is the longest standing program and has been offered to teenagers ages 13-18 for over 50 years.

Diocesan Church School Camp was developed over 30 years ago for younger children ages 9-13.

The baby of our programs Mommy & Me/Daddy & Me has just celebrated its 7th year and provides wonderful experiences for children 4 –8 years old and their parents. For more information about each of these programs click on the photos below.

UKRAINIAN ORTHODOX CHURCH OF THE USA
CONSISTORY OFFICE OF YOUTH AND YOUNG ADULT MINISTRY
PRESS RELEASE

Orthodox Christian Summer Camp
Teaching and Transforming Youth

Many adults have wonderful memories of the times they spent at summer camp. The friendships, the laughter, and even the difficult moments made for an experience they never forget. Now, there are more Orthodox Christian camping programs than ever. Orthodox Christian camps are still teaching and transforming the lives of youth with fun and exciting programs.

Orthodox Christian summer camps help youth grow and learn in four different ways:
 
WORSHIP
Camping programs offer young people an opportunity to worship among their peers. But campers do more than just participate in the Worship of the Orthodox Christian Church. The campers learn Who we worship and why we worship. Campers also learn how to pray and are encouraged to make it part of their morning and evening routine. In fact, campers learn about services other than the Divine Liturgy.

In addition, campers also to worship through offering their gifts and talents through reading the Epistle, singing the hymns, and preparing the Prosforas for the Holy Eucharist. 

Ultimately, campers are given the tools to transform into active and faithful participants in the Body of Christ. This appreciation and love for worship is something they carry with them back to their home parishes.

SERVICE
In any community, good leadership comes from those who know how to serve. At Orthodox Christian summer camps, young people learn that Service is not just something you do…it is something you live! As Christians, we are called not to be served but to serve. Therefore, campers learn how to serve the camp and serve each other. This might mean working on a project for camp beautification or setting the tables for their fellow campers during meal time. Many camps also have service projects and philanthropic activities in conjunction with their program to reinforce this important part of the Christian life.

Campers are given the tools to transform into individuals who constantly think of the “other.” With the seeds planted at summer camp, today’s campers are molded into tomorrow’s Christian leaders.

WITNESS
One of the most difficult aspects of being a Christian is truly being a Witness of what you believe. Part of creating true Christian witness is to educate about the Orthodox Christian faith. Campers have the distinct opportunity to learn more about their faith at summer camp. With Orthodox educational sessions and other learning opportunities, campers are able to ask questions about faith, traditions, moral issues, ethical issues, and much more.

Campers are given the tools to transform into fearless preachers of the Gospel, by word AND by deed. Most importantly, campers will know more about their faith in order to educate and inspire others.

FELLOWSHIP
Orthodox Christian camps offer young people a chance to have their own community of peers. Fellowship within a community comes with a few challenges, like getting to know new people and learning how to deal with different personalities. But the best part of this community of young people is the FUN! Camp is for the camper! Activities and programs are designed to provide entertainment, excitement, and joyful memories for each camper. These are the memories that they carry through their entire lives.

Campers are given the tools to transform into joyful human beings, who gain a fuller understanding that we are not alone. In a safe and fun environment, campers learn how work together, live together, and worship God together with their neighbor. This is a lesson they can use in every aspect of their lives (family, work, school, friendships, etc.)

To get more information about other Orthodox Christian camps from all SCOBA jurisdictions, please visit the Orthodox Christian Camping Association (OCCA) website, www.orthodoxcamps.org.

His Grace Bishop Daniel
Office of Public Relations
Ukrainian Orthodox Church of the USA
PO Box 495
South Bound Brook, NJ 08880
Tel: (732) 356-0090
Fax: (732) 356-5556
Web: www.uocofusa.org
E-mail: ConsistoryOPR@aol.com

Toronto: Summer Employment Opportunity:  Museum Operations Assistant -- deadline June 22 TOP

The Ontario Branch of the Ukrainian Museum of Canada is seeking an enthusiastic student to help us with various aspects of museum operations by assisting with:

  • collection management
  • public programming
  • updating the artifact database and museum website, and
  • implementing improvements to the museum’s reference library.

Qualifications:

  • self starter, organized, able to work independently and with others
  • good English and Ukrainian language communication skills and comfortable speaking to groups
  • accurate with data; attentive to detail
  • career/academic interests in arts and culture, museum studies, heritage interpretation, tourism, education, library science, design, social sciences or languages
  • proficient in various computer applications ie Microsoft Office, databases
  • full time senior high school or post secondary student returning to school in the fall
  • 16 to 30 years of age
  • Canadian citizen, permanent resident or having refugee status in Canada

Employment Details:

  • Length of employment 8 weeks ( June 29 to August 21, 2009)
  • Salary:   $10 per hour – 40 hours per week
  • Location:  620 Spadina Avenue, Toronto.  The Museum is located within St Vladimir Institute, a student residence and Ukrainian cultural centre adjacent to the main University of Toronto campus.  Easily reached by public transit.

Contact:  
Submit letter of application by 5pm Monday, June 22, 2009. to:

Ukrainian Museum of Canada – Ontario Branch
620 Spadina Avenue
Toronto, Ontario  M5S 2H4 or by email to: museum@stvladimir.ca
with cc to: aysemeniuk@sympatico.ca

For more information call 416 267-6205  or email  aysemeniuk@sympatico.ca

Edmonton, AB: Employment: Research Assistant - Ukrainian Cultural Heritage Village TOP

Description: Interested in research, history & culture? Working with the Senior Historian, the Research Assistant will facilitate in the promotion and development of various research initiatives based on the Ukrainian Cultural Heritage Village Research Programme.

You will be responsible for updating and maintaining the research collection; conducting occasional library & archive searches; data entry; converting materials for website use; updating digital manuscripts into publishable format; assisting in fieldwork photo documentation; and managing exhibits/ displays.

You will have the opportunity to gain experience while networking with other disciplines, on the applications of theoretical knowledge for popular consumption.

The successful candidate will enjoy dealing with people of all ages and backgrounds, have highly developed verbal communication and presentation skills, be mature and responsible, and have strong organization and time management skills.

Studies in history, anthropology, folklore or computer science would be considered an asset. English is required, a working knowledge of Ukrainian is highly desirable.  Knowledge of other languages would be beneficial.

Start Date/ Duration: June 17 to August 28, 2009 (Monday to Friday, although some weekend work will be required). Some travel may be required for promotional programs.

Salary: $15.00 per hour

Apply immediately to:
Friends of the Ukrainian Village Society at
friendsofvillage@gmail.com

Washinton, DC: Employment - Editorial assistant at Wilson Center -- deadline June 19 TOP

Editorial Assistant
Kennan Institute

Announcement number: WC-09-11T
Download WC-09-11T - PDF

OPENING DATE: June 8, 2009
CLOSING DATE: June 19, 2009
SERIES/GRADE: WW-1087-06 ($37,084 - $39,556 commensurate with experience)
LOCATION: WASHINGTON, D.C.
WHO MAY APPLY: All qualified candidates may apply.

QUALIFICATIONS: Qualified applicants must have 1 year of specialized experience performing duties directly related to this position or, applicants may substitute appropriate education, such as a bachelor's degree from an accredited university for the required experience. Applicants must also submit a short writing sample to be considered.
Click here to read the full job description.

Дослідник-асистент - Село спадщини української культури TOP

Опис: Цікавитеся історією та культурою і любите проводити дослідження? Працюючи зі старшим науковим співробітником, дослідник-асистент допомагатиме розвивати різноманітні дослідницькі ініціативи на базі наукової програми Села спадщини української культури.

В Ваші обов’язки входитиме оновлення і догляд за дослідницькою колекцією, пошук інформації в архівах і бібліотеках, занесення інформації в базу даних; обробка матеріалів для вебсайту, перетворення цифрових рукописів в формат для друку; допомога з документацією фотографій з польових досліджень і з організацією виставок/показів.

Ви матимете нагоду набути досвіду роботи, тісно пов’язаної з іншими дисциплінами, і застосування теоретичного знання для популярного вжитку.

Від успішного кандидата очікується вміння і бажання працювати з людьми всіх вікових категорій і різних досвідів, високорозвинені ораторські і організаторські здібності, почуття відповідальності і здатність раціонально використовувати свій час

Освіта в галузі історії, антропології, фольклору чи комп’ютерних технологій буде перевагою. Знання англійської мови є обов’язковим, а робоче володіння українською є дуже бажаним. Корисним також є знання інших мов.

Початок і тривалість роботи: з 17 червня до 28 серпня 2009 року (з понеділка до п’ятниці, а також інколи в вихідні дні). Можуть передбачатися подорожі з метою популяризaції програм.

Заробітня плата складає $15.00 на годину

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John Demjanjuk Jr.: It is very clear TOP
June 17, 2009

It is very clear that the case of my father is being used for political purposes rather than any form of justice. Ironically, had we been following German law here in the USA, my father would have never been deported or put on trial in Germany. Germany law prevents extradition of its own citizens. It also prohibits making anyone with German citizenship stateless. Yet, they accomplished both with the help of the US Justice Department in making my father stateless and sending him to Germany. There are many more factual and legal issues we will be bringing to the Ukrainian publics attention in the days to come.

As was the case in Israel over 20 yrs ago, the German media has been biased against us and sensationally assuming guilt. They are preparing for another show trial, this time in Munich.  Israel once sought to teach young Israelis about the Holocaust through the wrongful prosecution of my father as a Nazi murderer. Germany now seeks to teach young Germans that their ancestors were not entirely to blame for the Holocaust and that they should instead be viewed as seeking justice to atone for their deeds. In 1985 the Israelis hyped a media event alleging my father was in Trawniki, Sobibor and the brutal murderer of nearly a million people in Treblinka. He was assumed guilty but was innocent and nearly executed. He was acquitted on all counts. Today, the Germans have an arrest warrant (no charges or indictment) on suspicion of accessory to murder of 29,000. There remains no evidence, documentary or eyewitness, to prove he was responsible for causing harm to even one person in any camp at any time during WWII.

My father is a victim of the Nazis once again. He was nearly killed by the Germans as a Red Army soldier when hit by an artillery shell which caused him to be hospitalized for 3 months before being sent back to battle. He was then captured by the Germans and became a POW. After surviving the artillery attack and POW captivity, he escaped Soviet forced repatriation to a gulag, immigrated to the USA and then after fraudulently being sent to Israel for trial, he survived a death sentence which was based on these same allegations (double jeopardy now) in addition to Treblinka false witnesses. The Germans are now using him to blame Ukrainians for the Holocaust. In reality, for the past 65 years, he has been as much a victim of Germany as anyone who survived the terror of the Nazis. The more we know, the more torturous this continued persecution is.

My father is currently undergoing a full medical review to determine whether he is fit for trial. The Germans refused to conduct a medical examination prior to accepting his deportation even though it was available to them. We expect results very soon. At the age of 89, he is suffering from multiple illnesses including chronic kidney disease and a Leukemic condition called Myelodisplastic Syndrome which makes him anemic and very weak. There is no cure and he will eventually die from it as his bone marrow is losing functionality to produce red blood cells. His life expectancy is perhaps 2-3 years but may be much less if Leukemia takes over sooner. He remains in the medical ward of a prison in Munich and has been permitted only one phone call to my mother. We have not received any mail from him nor has he received ours to my knowledge. He is receiving Ukrainian newspapers. We have a Ukrainian priest which we expect will be permitted to visit him in about a week. Ironically, his treatment in Israel provided him more rights than he is receiving in Germany. The Israeli prison authority permitted him to call home once per week and to call his priest once per month.

We must remain united in the Ukrainian communities around the world in condemning the injustice in Germany and their attempts to rewrite history.  The political pressure on Germany coming from the US Department of Justice and the Wiesenthal Center in Israel must be answered by all who demand justice for my father and all the Ukrainian people who suffered at the hands of the Nazis.

Some people, it seems, are destined to be symbols of the struggle for justice.  Our family is faced with enduring an endless suffering on this account.  We accept this burden and will not give up the fight.  My father has the love of his family, friends and so many around the world that have followed his plight. We thank them all for their courage to voice their opinions and for their continued prayers of support.

Very best regards,

John Demjanjuk Jr.

Give him the boot: Ex-KGB agent TOP

Lubomyr Luciuk

Ex-KGB agent has no right to be here - so get rid of him

Respond to this article
http://www2.canada.com/
montrealgazette/features/
viewpoints/story.html?id=
ee47c9df-7ac6-4be4-b152-
31d909c797dc&p=2

by writing letters to the editor:
letters@thegazette.
canwest.com


Instructions for letter submission:
http://www2.canada.com/
montrealgazette/features/
viewpoints/story.html?id=
a79ceb9c-caa4-41b8-a20e-
9ad10d4b7231


You can send Lubomyr Luciuk's article to your MP to encourage government action.


He has no right to remain here.

Lennikov, 48, was an officer of the KGB, the notorious Soviet secret police. Every member of the Communist political police was either directly or indirectly responsible for the enslavement and murder of millions of innocents.

The men and women of the KGB were not conscripts. They were an elite that enjoyed perks in the U.S.S.R. - better pay, better holidays, foreign travel, a privileged status - just like the SS in Nazi Germany. And they had an identical function - the repression of dissent, the orchestration of genocide, the running of the concentration camps of the Gulag. The only difference between them and their Nazi colleagues is that the Reds butchered more people - no less than 20 million victims - because they had a longer run in power, from 1917 to 1991. Thankfully, the Nazi regime lasted only 12 years.

Canadian immigration laws forbid all veterans of the KGB to enter Canada. You need not have been a killer. If all you did was make lunch or iron the executioners' uniforms you are still inadmissible. That's the law.

There are some Canadians who don't like this rule. Fair enough. They can work to change it. But Lennikov has no such privilege. He is not a citizen. Whether he has lived here for a decade or been a nice neighbour or grows gardenias in his garden and gives them to the poor is irrelevant. He should never have been allowed into Canada and he has no right to stay here.

Being compassionate, we have given him more than one chance to prove otherwise and to do so at our expense. Lennikov, a KGB agent in the 1980s, who has lived and worked in Canada for 12 years, had a hearing before the Immigration and Refugee Board. That tribunal rejected his claim to refugee status. He appealed. After carefully reviewing the case a Federal Court judge concluded that he should be deported. Instead of obeying the court the KGB man "sought sanctuary" in the First Lutheran Church of East Vancouver.

Folks who come to an understanding of the law by watching reruns of The Hunchback of Notre Dame might feel otherwise but there is no right of "sanctuary" in any church, temple, synagogue or mosque in Canada. While imagining a KGB man on his knees praying for forgiveness is amusing, what is not is that Lennikov's refuge was set up before the judge rendered his judgment. In other words, Lennikov and his friends decided that if they didn't like the court's decision they would just ignore it and spirit him away to a church basement.

The remedy is obvious. Canada Border Services Agency officials need to enter the building, seize Lennikov and put him on the first plane back to Russia. Those who deliberately aided and abetted a fugitive from the law should then be given their day in court. The notion that there is some kind of "sanctuary" in religious buildings needs to be undone, once and for all. If all this doesn't happen it'll be obvious the country is not governed by the rule of law but by the whims of those whom Lenin appropriately enough described as "useful idiots."

But it won't be enough if we deport only this one KGB man. Ottawa needs to finish the job. There are other veterans of the Soviet secret police - the NVKD, SMERSH and KGB - here in Canada. They have, so far, escaped justice. We need to purge Canada of all of them. One is too many.

There are millions of genuine refugees in the world. Canada can and should provide victims of persecution both asylum and opportunity, just as both were once offered to my parents. Half a century ago they found sanctuary here from Nazi and Soviet oppression. Ever since they have helped build this country. It's unconscionable that we would now tolerate a veteran of one of the evil regimes that tried to eradicate them in our midst. Canada doesn't need to make KGB captains into citizens. Not even one.

Lubomyr Luciuk is chairman of the Ukrainian Canadian Civil Liberties Association.

UCC wants KGB man deported TOP

4 June 2009 - Ottawa

Write to your MP & cc Jason Kenney, MP, Minister of Citizenship and Immigration kennej@parl.gc.ca.

See below: Terrorists and spies not welcome in Canada - Member of Parliament Bezan tables motion

See above: Give him the boot

Cops should grab him from church
http://www.theprovince.com/
news/Ukrainians+oppose+
Lennikov+fight+stay/
1664677/story.html


The Ukrainian Canadian Congress welcomes the decision of the Federal Court to uphold the order to deport former KGB officer Mikhail Lennikov.

"Mr. Lennikov has been afforded due process under Canada's immigration laws and has been found to be security risk. As such, he should leave this country," said Paul Grod, President of the Ukrainian Canadian Congress.  "We call upon the Minister of Citizenship and Immigration, the Honourable Jason Kenney, and the Minster of Public Safety, the Honourable Peter Van Loan, to ensure that Canada does not become a haven for veterans of the notorious Soviet secret police, the KGB."

The KGB enslaved, tortured and murdered millions of innocent people in the former Soviet Union. Any individual who was an officer of the KGB was either directly or indirectly involved in such crimes against humanity. To allow Lennikov to remain in Canada would dishonor the memory of the millions of victims of the Soviet Communist regime.

Terrorists and spies not welcome in Canada: Member of Parliament Bezan tables motion TOP

June 4, 2009

Bezan tables motion to uphold integrity of the Immigration and Refugee Protection Act

Write to your MP & cc Jason Kenney, MP, Minister of Citizenship and Immigration kennej@parl.gc.ca.

See above: Give him the boot

See above:UCC wants KGB man deported

Cops should grab him from church
http://www.theprovince.com/
news/Ukrainians+oppose+
Lennikov+fight+stay/
1664677/story.html


OTTAWA -- On April 20, 2009 James Bezan, Member of Parliament for Selkirk-Interlake tabled a Private Members motion in the House of Commons calling upon the government to uphold the integrity of the Immigration and Refugee Protection Act. 

M-356 asks the government to take necessary steps to refuse entry to Canada to people who have engaged in, or been a member of a group that has engaged in acts of espionage, subversion, terrorism, genocide, or crimes against humanity. It also calls on the government to denaturalize and deport those who have obtained Canadian citizenship under false pretences and to enforce removal orders against all persons who are inadmissible to Canada.

"The people of Canada have always taken strong positions denouncing and combating crimes against humanity. Canada has always stood on solid ground opposing the Holocaust in Germany, the Holodomor in Ukraine, the Armenian and Rwandan genocides, and we have been actively engaged in the war on terrorism," Bezan said. "Why would we allow people who have been involved in these crimes to come to Canada?"

This week, a Federal Court Judge refused an appeal of a deportation order for an ex-KGB agent that has been in Canada for the last 12 years, admitted on a student visa. Bezan believes that the Department of Citizenship and Immigration and the court have made sound decisions in this case in accordance with existing legislation.

"Canada should not be a safe haven for terrorists or former members of any communist state's secret police forces," Bezan stated. "People that have been members of organizations such as the KGB, Gestapo, Al Qaeda, or the Taliban do not meet the requirements for entry to Canada under the Immigration and Refugee Protection Act. If they have entered Canada, then they should be deported," said Bezan.

For more information, please contact:
Office of James Bezan, MP
Phone: 613-992-2032
E-mail: media@jamesbezan.com

M-356 -- April 20, 2009 -- Mr. Bezan (Selkirk--Interlake) -- That, in the opinion of the House, in order to ensure that Canada is not a safe haven for any individual who has engaged in or been a member of an organization where reasonable grounds exist to believe have engaged in an act of espionage or an act of subversion against a democratic government, institution, process or committed terrorism or genocide or crimes against humanity, as they are understood in Canada, the government should take all necessary steps to: (a) allow visa entry only to persons that meet the requirements of the Immigration and Refugee Protection Act and Regulations; (b) denaturalize and deport all persons who have obtained citizenship, permanent residence or refugee status by means of false pretences or the concealment of material facts; and (c) enforce removal orders against all persons who are inadmissible to Canada and not in possession of a valid Temporary Residence Permit.

Ukrainian journalists of North America convention report TOP

Convention included mass media producers representing Ukrainian media outlets

Kerhonkson, New York. May 15-18, 2009. After an eight-year hiatus, a convention of Ukrainian journalists and media producers in North America took place at Soyuzivka, the resort of the Ukrainian National Association (UNA). The following Ukrainian mass media outlets in the United States and Canada were represented:

  • Svoboda, America
  • The Ukrainian Weekly
  • Meest
  • New Pathway
  • Sower
  • National Tribune
  • Our Life
  • Our Way
  • Kontakt radio and television network
  • Svitohliad television program, radio programs
  • Prometheus
  • Ukrainian Wave
  • Song of Ukraine
  • The Ukrainian section of Radio Canada International
  • Maidan Internet journal
  • InfoUkes Internet site
  • and freelance journalists

for a total of 20 persons. This also included representatives of Ukrainian American Veterans and Americans for Human Rights in Ukraine. The convention was organized by Jurij Klufas of "Kontakt" television network in Canada and Oleksander Kharchenko of Radio Canada International. Honored guests at the convention were Vasyl Ilashchuk and Andriy Cherniuk from Kyiv, the president and vice president, respectively, of First National Television Company of Ukraine, who spoke about the extremely difficult process of Ukrainianizing the electronic airways in Ukraine.

The agenda included discussions on the role of the Ukrainian media in the community, "Fourth Wave" emigration issues, use of the Ukrainian language, development of a proper image of Ukraine in the world, modern electronic media, journalistic ethics, and organizational matters.

The main sponsor of the convention was the Self Reliance New York Ukrainian Federal Credit Union. The Ukrainian airline Aerosvit sponsored the trip of the two guests of honor from Ukraine. Selfreliance Ukrainian American Federal Credit Union in Chicago sponsored the videoconference with Ukrainian journalists in Chicago, while the Ukrainian Credit Union in Toronto sponsored the travel expenses of journalists from Toronto. The UNA provided free announcements about the convention in "Svoboda" and "The Ukrainian Weekly."

"We have convened here on this parcel of Ukrainian land on Soyuzivka in order to define the mission and methods of our ongoing work. Do we wish to continue acting as one association, or is there a desire to work independently in Canada and the U.S.? Are we able -- and by what means -- to encourage the Ukrainian Diaspora for further community development? Are we able -- and by what means -- to affect the image of Ukraine at this time when it is constantly being besmirched by the Russian mass media?" underscored Jurij Klufas at the opening of the convention. The participants focused on these issues during the weekend discussions.

The session dedicated to organizational issues established the name of the organization: Ukrainian Journalists of North America (in Ukrainian: Spilka Ukrayins'kykh Zhurnalistiv Pivnichnoyi Ameryky). It was decided that the organization shall convene annually for a general meeting, while conferring via the Internet at least a couple of times per month.

The following individuals were elected: President -- Jurij Klufas; Executive Board -- Roma Hadzewycz, Myroslava Rozdolska, Maria Klymchak (all from the U.S.), and Oksana Bashuk-Hepburn, Walter Kish and Olha Vovnysh (all from Canada).

The convention adopted several resolutions. One was to issue an appeal to the President of Ukraine about the need to establish a National Information Center. Another was to urge U.S. President Barack Obama to visit Ukraine during his upcoming journey to Russia, noting the vital need to support Ukraine on its path to Euro-Atlantic integration. The UJNA also expressed its opinion on the John Demjanjuk affair, seeing it as a case of double jeopardy. Also, a resolution was adopted to write to Canadian Prime Minister Stephen Harper, thanking him for Canada's recognition of the Ukrainian Holodomor, and protesting the closing of the Ukrainian section of Radio Canada International.

The session on the role of the Ukrainian media in the Diaspora devoted much attention to the new "fourth wave" of Ukrainian immigrants. Myroslava Rozdolska of Stamford, Connecticut, who heads the organization "New Ukrainian Wave" and edits "Sower," the official newspaper of the Stamford Eparchy of the Ukrainian Catholic Church, outlined the achievements and problems of the newest immigrants who arrived in Canada, the U.S., and other countries after the 1991 declaration of independence of Ukraine. "Each wave of immigrants established their own organizational structure in accordance with their circumstances, while simultaneously cooperating with existing organizations; the most recent wave does likewise," she said. The main task of the "New Ukrainian Wave" is mutual support of the immigrants in their professional fulfillment in order to produce maximum benefits for themselves, the country of their settlement, and Ukraine. Other tasks are protecting the rights of immigrants and fighting negative stereotypes. M. Rozdolska proposed that the Parliament of Ukraine (Verkhovna Rada) follow the example of Italy and reserve a seat for a representative of the Ukrainian Diaspora. A business forum of Ukrainian businessmen is being planned in New York City on Sep. 25-26, 2009.

The speaker urged the assembled media representatives to pay more attention to the life of the most recent wave of Ukrainian immigrants, and to create an atmosphere conducive for combating negative attitudes.

A videoconference via the Internet included Chicago representatives Maria Klymchak, director of the "Ukrainian Wave" radio program, and Oksana Chuyko, who manages an independent Ukrainian community radio program.

A separate session was devoted to the topic of the obligations of the Ukrainian media in the community. The main speakers were Dr. Myron Kuropas, a veteran activist of the Ukrainian community and a correspondent of "The Ukrainian Weekly," and Dr. Askold Lozynsky, former president of the Ukrainian World Congress and the Ukrainian Congress Committee of America. Dr. Kuropas gave an interesting presentation on the role of the Ukrainian press in the formation of Ukrainian public opinion throughout the 20th century in the USA. Dr. Lozynsky emphasized: "The press is the fourth estate. However, in the Ukrainian Diaspora, which for a long time represented a stateless nation, the press was all the branches of power. The lofty foundation of the work of Ukrainian journalists is ideology -- of national liberation, the creation and development of the Ukrainian nation. Simultaneously, the ideology of the Ukrainian nation was always freedom."

Noting that the Ukrainian Diaspora recently has significantly expanded its geographical boundaries, A. Lozynsky presented samples of Ukrainian Diaspora publications in Slovakia, Hungary, Azerbaijan, Italy, and the Russian Federation. "There are 4 million registered Ukrainians in the Russian Federation, and another 3 million are unregistered, yet there is not a single public Ukrainian day school, although in Ukraine the government supports numerous Russian schools," stated A. Lozynsky.

Dr. Lozynsky also quoted from the "Code of ethics of the Ukrainian journalist in the USA and Canada" (from 1976), which states that the fundamental principle of journalistic work is the "complete and unconditional respect for truth [...] a calm tone in criticism and polemics; avoidance of insulting expressions," thereby touching on the subject of journalistic ethics.

Dr. Kuropas stressed the important role of activists in the Ukrainian community. As an example of such dedicated work he cited Bozhena Olshaniwsky (who was present), who has spent many years laboring in defense of John Demjanjuk, and also in revealing the truth about the Holodomor.

Although journalistic ethics were mentioned in other sessions, they were the subject of a special session chaired by Walter Kish, editor of "The New Pathway," and Roma Hadzewycz, editor of "Svoboda" and "Ukrainian Weekly."

What are the limits of what is acceptable? When is there a need to criticize those who are dedicated to the Ukrainian cause, yet make mistakes? Nadia Banchik, an independent journalist from California, said that "criticism is permissible and necessary of everyone and everything that requires a critique; however, the tone must be benevolent and serious." Inna Kruchek (of "Meest" in Canada) pointed out the importance of "a positive and constructive attitude" when criticizing.

The session on the use of the Ukrainian language highlighted the fact that the lack of a single set of rules of modern Ukrainian orthography results in dueling interpretations between "old" and current standards of literary Ukrainian. Ukrainian media producers face an unsolvable problem: the older generation does not regard the modern language as correct, seeing it as too Russified; but the younger generation regards the modern language as normal. A mechanical return to archaic language usage is inappropriate and impossible. Until an all-encompassing dictionary of current language usage is produced, "it would be useful to publish some kind of manuals regarding word usage and orthography," said Inna Kruchek. Until then, much is subject to personal interpretation, including the use of foreign-language words.

A lively discussion ensued at the session on the topic of presenting the image of Ukraine in the news and commentaries. Inna Kruchek read the remarks by Oksana Sokolyk (of the "Pisnya Ukrayiny" radio program in Toronto) about the image of Ukraine in the Ukrainian press. Nadia Banchik cited excerpts from popular American and Russian newspapers. The lion’s share of information received by English-language media comes from Russian sources. Ukraine does not have a representative informational media organ, which would offer its product to the world communications media. Everyone present agreed on the need for such a media organ, and issued an appeal to the President of Ukraine requesting that he ensure government funding of a National Information Center. This idea was also supported by Vasyl Ilashchuk, the president of First National Television Company of Ukraine.

A separate session was devoted to Internet resources. A videoconference via the Internet featured Slavko Kokodyniak from Canada, who presented his Internet site InfoUkes (established in 1997). This is the largest source of information about the Ukrainian nation and its Diaspora. This site performed an important informational and organizational function during the Orange Revolution. "Since then, the Russian FSB (successor to the KGB) has created a special subsection to battle 'color revolutions' and to wage cyberwarfare," said S. Kokodyniak.

The Internet bulletin e-POSHTA by Myroslava Oleksiuk was also presented; this is a collection of news, articles, announcements, etc. about Ukraine and Ukrainians, which gets e-mailed approximately weekly to a free-of-charge mailing list.

Everyone agreed on the necessity of media workers to master the most current Internet technology, even holding courses and Internet classes for this purpose.

AH-HA! Network - new interactive, internet webcasting program service TOP

The U.S.-Ukraine Foundation announces the creation of a new interactive, Internet webcasting program service, AH-HA! Network.  The AH-HA! Network will communicate information relating to the Baltic-Black-Caspian Region and its relevance to U.S. and European foreign policy interests.The AH-HA! Network will bring together organizations and experts specializing in the area.  The Moldova Foundation and the U.S.-Baltic Foundation are helping to launch this webcasting program service.

The AH-HA! Network is also designed to support the Baltic-Black-Caspian Initiative. The Baltic-Black-Caspian Initiative brings together a number of U.S. and foreign non-profit organizations, including the U.S.-Ukraine Foundation, U.S.-Ukraine Business Council, U.S.-Baltic Foundation, Pylyp Orlyk Institute for Democracy, Moldova Foundation, Belarusan-American Association, and America-Georgia Business Council, to build and support trans-border cooperation at the local grass roots level in the areas of Democratic Leadership Development, Crisis Management, Energy Security, Economic & Trade Development, and Conflict Prevention and Resolution for the nations in the region. 

For the U.S.-Ukraine Foundation, the Baltic-Black-Caspian Initiative and the AH-HA! Network aim to elevate the importance of Ukraine to the region and to focus on solving those trans-national issues which have plagued Ukraine since independence.

Through the AH-HA! Network, the Foundation intends to increase the importance of the region and the trans-national issues hindering democratic development, energy independence and economic progress.  Through AH-HA! Network webcasts, the Foundation aims to make complex information more understandable and thereby build a wider audience in support of the region and Ukraine.

You can go to the U.S.-Ukraine Foundation's website, http://www.usukraine.org, to watch previously-produced videos on Russian energy, Moldova's Twitter Revolution and Belarus's Domestic and Foreign Policies.

For anyone interested in joining the AH-HA! Network or the Baltic-Black-Caspian Initiative, please contact Nadia K. McConnell, President, at info@usukraine.org. Questions and suggestions are also welcomed.

Kremlin's crimes TOP

http://online.wsj.com/article/SB124467052380903681.html
Wall Street Journal Europe
JUNE 11, 2009

Is Russia determined to repeat its history?

By Janusz Bugajski

As European democracies celebrate the 20th anniversary of their liberation from communism and the Soviets, Moscow seeks to restore its dominance over former satellites. Rewriting Russian history is part of this plan. The Putinist notion of a progressive Soviet system in the past is designed to provide justification for Russia's current assertiveness in the region.

Take Moscow's annual May 9 parade, which celebrates the "victory over fascism" on the anniversary of Nazi Germany's surrender to the Allies. The entire exercise is based on a monumental national delusion fostered by the Kremlin. Although Russia was one of the victorious powers at the end of World War II, Moscow continues to disguise the historic record that the Soviet Union itself helped launch the war in close alliance with Nazi Germany. Through the Ribbentrop-Molotov pact, Stalin schemed with Hitler to carve up Eastern Europe.

Russia has recently intensified its revisionist campaign, claiming that it voluntarily gave up communism and the Soviet Bloc and that the Cold War ended in a draw with the West. Russia's state propagandists maintain that the USSR never occupied its neighboring states after World War II, but rather liberated them from tyranny. And they minimize the Kremlin's imposition of a totalitarian system over the region that stifled its political and economic progress for almost half a century. Unlike post-war Germany, Moscow has never paid reparations for Soviet crimes and expropriations in Central and Eastern Europe.

[...]

Last month's parade, where soldiers in Czarist-style uniforms carried the red flag with the yellow hammer and sickle across the Red Square, was an almost exact reenactment of Soviet-era self-glorification. The spectacle sent an unmistakable message to all formerly occupied territories that Russia remains the strongest military continental power and continues its Czarist and Soviet traditions.

[...]

Western countries, including the former Soviet satellites, can take steps to expose Russia's historical revisionism by sponsoring international conferences and symposia, by opening up all pertinent state archives to scholars, by educating the younger generation about communist crimes, and simply by talking openly about the Soviet era.

As Russia glosses over its dark past and flexes its muscles, the fear is that those who rewrite history may also be determined to repeat it.

Mr. Bugajski is is director of the New European Democracies program at the Center for Strategic and International Studies in Washington D.C.

Complete article:
http://online.wsj.com/article/SB124467052380903681.html

False choices For Russia
TOP
http://www.washingtonpost.com/wp-dyn/content/article/2009/06/08/AR2009060803496.html
Tuesday, June 9, 2009


By Lev Gudkov, Igor Klyamkin, Georgy Satarov and Lilia Shevtsova

MOSCOW -- As intellectuals and liberal Russians, we have read with great interest many recommendations American experts have compiled for President Obama regarding the U.S.-Russian relationship. While there are several constructive ideas, many of these reports reflect a serious misunderstanding of the situation in Russia and the course it is following.

We object, for example, to the basic proposition of calling for a return to realpolitik because some believe that the worsening of Russian-American relations was mainly caused by Washington's insistence on "tying policies to values." The result, some American "realists" argue, is that the United States needs to build a new relationship with Russia based on "common interests and common threats." Yet in blaming the Bush administration for trying to "teach" Russia about democracy, these realists appear to accept the official Russian position. In our view, America has ignored the problems of democracy and civil society in Russia, but even turning a blind eye did not prevent the breakdown in the U.S.-Russian relationship -- and now Obama is essentially being asked to treat Russia as though it is incapable of democratic transformation.

While there is anti-democratic sentiment here, such feelings are not ubiquitous. In fact, nearly two-thirds of Russians would like to see the establishment of democracy and the rule of law, according to a 2008 Levada Center poll. The ruling elite oppose the development of democratic institutions, but the key is that members of the elite are more than ready to integrate into the Western world on an individually beneficial basis; they will do everything in their power to "protect" the rest of Russian society from the perils of such integration.

[...]

Consider that in language strikingly similar to Kremlin rhetoric, the Commission on U.S. Policy Toward Russia, chaired by former senators Gary Hart and Chuck Hagel, recommends that Obama respect "Russian sovereignty, history and traditions and [recognize] that Russian society will evolve at its own pace." We hope that Americans understand Russian "traditions" differently than does the Kremlin propaganda machine. Implicit in many recent reports are the suggestions that the administration avoid discussing human rights and the obligations that Russia undertook when it joined the Group of Eight. The Hart-Hagel report also says that America should "establish a government-to-government dialogue on Russia's neighborhood, with a view to developing confidence-building measures." So Russia and the United States should decide the fate of Russia's neighbors? That sounds eerily like a return to the days of Yalta. When we read Thomas Graham's statement that Ukraine "occupies a special place in Russian thought: It is the cradle of Russian civilization and an essential element of Russia's own national identity," or that we should "Finlandize" Ukraine, we see the realists parroting Russian nationalist rhetoric.

[...]

We recognize that transforming Russia is a job for Russians and that this is a task at which Russia's liberal forces are failing. But the task will be that much more difficult if American experts serve as the "conservators" of Russian authoritarian traditionalism.

Complete article:
http://www.washingtonpost.com/wp-dyn/content/article/2009/06/08/AR2009060803496.html

Competing for privilege TOP
http://www.moscowtimes.ru/article/1016/42/377392.htm
June 10, 2009

By Dmitry Trenin

[...]

Whether the six Eastern Partnership countries succeed or fail makes a lot of difference to themselves, the EU and Russia. They need all the support and attention from Brussels and the EU member states that they can get. Ukraine, in particular, is crucial. Putting the divisive NATO issue to one side, Kyiv and Brussels need to focus on the EU to help modernize the largest country in Eastern Europe. Moldova, one of the EU's smallest and poorest new partners, requires urgent attention in Brussels to prevent a social and economic meltdown on Europe's doorstep. In Moldova and the South Caucasus, the EU needs to become more present and effective as Russia's partner in resolving the many conflicts. And as Europe diversifies its energy imports, it will need to become more seriously involved with the countries in the Caspian region. This calls for a long-term EU strategy and a coordinated foreign policy. This is a tall order, but if successful it will be a quantum leap for Europe.

Ironically, Russia is likely to benefit from Europe's cohesion and its neighbors' success. Moscow's obsession with the 19th-century notions of geopolitics is a drag on its own post-imperial adjustment. Only when it is fully divested of these hang-ups will it be able to find a fitting place and a useful role for itself in the globalized environment.

In the long term, Russia will probably not follow its neighbors into the EU, although joining a pan-European economic area and a European-Atlantic security compact would make a lot of sense. Russia will stay as a separate unit, but it will recognize the EU not as its geopolitical rival, but as a regional leader and a rich source of modernization. The Kremlin will live to enjoy the proximity and learn to profit from the occasional friction. Finally, it will also learn the art of dealing with smaller neighbors through methods other than dominating, bullying or punishing them.

Complete article:
http://www.moscowtimes.ru/article/1016/42/377392.htm

Undermining democracy: 21st century authoritarians TOP

June 04, 2009

Russia: Selective capitalism and kleptocracy

Daniel Kimmage

The Kremlin deploys the conceptual vocabulary of the new Russia -- national renewal, anti-Western xenophobia, sovereign democracy -- through a sophisticated domestic communications strategy that marshals both the traditional state resources and much-expanded control over virtually all mainstream mass media. This one-two punch, coming amid a period of rising prosperity, has had a signifi cant impact on popular opinion, and the Kremlin's message has resonated with its intended recipients.

(WASHINGTON, DC) A new report finds that five influential authoritarian states - China, Russia, Iran, Venezuela, and Pakistan - are actively undermining democracy within their borders and abroad. Their efforts to taint international development and subvert organizations that promote human rights are organized, sophisticated and well-resourced. They serve as models of authoritarianism for the 21st century, increasingly employing their own brand of soft power. Call it "Authoritarianism 2.0." [Find the complete report at http://www.undermining
democracy.org
]


Introduction

When Russian tanks halted their advance a few kilometers from Tbilisi in August 2008, with the Georgian army in full flight and Georgia's allies in Europe and the United States reduced to fulmination, the global consensus on the meaning of the invasion was swift and bracing: Russia was back, a force to be reckoned with, and intent on reclaiming its lost share of import and infl uence among nations.

This consensus is as wrongheaded and simplistic as the previous incarnations of conventional wisdom it has replaced: fi rst, that Russia was engaged in a rollicking, rollercoaster transition from communist torpor to liberal democracy and a free-market economy, and then, when that fi ne vision foundered in fi nancial crisis and sundry misadventures toward the end of the 1990s, that Russia had become mired in some intermediary phase of its supposed transition and might soon slink off history's grand stage altogether.

A transition did take place, but it was not to the hoped-for liberal democracy grounded in a free-market economy and the rule of law. Instead, it was a shift from the failing yet still functional bureaucratic authoritarianism of the late-Soviet period to a flashier, more footloose authoritarianism that rests on selectively capitalist kleptocracy, the dominance of informal infl uence groups, a decorative democracy that is often described as "managed," and offi cially encouraged attempts to create a new and profoundly illiberal ideology with mass appeal. This system began to take shape under Boris Yeltsin in the 1990s, matured under Vladimir Putin in the 2000s, and received a tremendous shot in the arm as oil prices rose and the Kremlin's coffers swelled. The regime has developed an elaborate and mostly effective toolbox of repressive and manipulative measures for maintaining domestic control, a conceptual vocabulary for faking democracy, and a series of strategies for wielding international influence.

The world's democracies must navigate the shoals of this system’s contradictions as they fashion policies toward Russia along three major axes. The first is the advancement of common interests.

These are few, as Russia's ruling elite, whatever rhetorical fl ourishes it may occasionally adopt for foreign ears, views the world in terms of 19th-century territorial spheres of infl uence, approaches international relations as a zero-sum game, and has staked much of its legitimacy -- more than most outside observers seem to realize -- on opposition to an American bogeyman, a "West" that is allegedly bent on Russia's destruction.

The second axis is a response to the threats Russia poses to its neighbors. These are numerous, ranging from the encouragement of dictatorial regimes and the export of high-level corruption, to political meddling and even military intervention in countries deemed by the Kremlin to have misbehaved.

Finally, the third axis is an attempt to mitigate the danger of systemic failure in Russia itself. This possibility is quite real, and its occurrence will be diffi cult to predict or prevent.

[...]

Findings

[...] Today's Russia is an authoritarian state where a corrupt and illiberal ruling elite maintains its power through media manipulation and the subversion of the democratic process.

The leadership has no discernable desire or incentive to alter its policies, and no other force in society is currently capable of fomenting change. The initial results of the global economic crisis, which has dealt a particularly severe blow to Russia's unbalanced and mismanaged economy, do not presage any positive shift in the fortunes of the country's beleaguered liberal opposition.

[...] An appeal to common interests is unlikely to prove a solid basis for improved relations between Russia and the world's established democracies. The Kremlin's actions over the last eight years strongly suggest that it will seek to exploit U.S. and European overtures for rhetorical purposes, even as it spreads domestic propaganda aimed at stoking xenophobic sentiment and pursues a zero-sum foreign policy agenda intended to reduce U.S. and European infl uence worldwide and carve out a privileged zone of Russian interest in neighboring countries. For U.S. policymakers, the implications are gravest in Iran, where Moscow's real aim is the maintenance of an uneasy status quo, and Afghanistan, where the Kremlin hopes to make U.S. and NATO supply routes contingent on Russian benefi cence.

[...] The Russian authorities have embarked on a campaign to undercut the integrity of standards-based institutions that focus on democracy and human rights while building up regional institutions that unite authoritarian states around military and security cooperation.

Targets for obstruction include the Offi ce for Democratic Institutions and Human Rights with the OSCE, whose election monitoring has exposed the workings of decorative democracy, and the Strasbourg-based European Court of Human Rights, whose rulings have highlighted corruption and other official misconduct in Russia. Meanwhile, Russia has favored institutions like the Shanghai Cooperation Organization, which brings together China, Kazakhstan, Kyrgyzstan, Russia, Tajikistan, and Uzbekistan, and pointedly relegates all rights concerns to the sovereign realm of individual regimes.

Expect things to get worse before they get better. The primary goal of the Russian elite is not to advance an abstract ideal of the national interest or restore some imagined Soviet idyll, but to retain its hold on money and power. Current economic conditions threaten this goal, and the ruling cliques, to the extent that they are capable of concerted action in a crisis situation, will likely respond by tightening the screws at home, stoking anti- Western sentiment, and provoking conflicts they feel they can exploit.

But the cornerstone of Russia's putative restoration under Putin is the improved material well-being of the populace. If this crumbles, popular support may crumble with it, opening the door to change but also to considerable danger.

The newspaper loved in the West, hated at home TOP
http://www.spiegel.de/international/world/0,1518,629483,00.html
06/09/2009

By Matthias Schepp in Moscow

Reporters at Novaya Gazeta need strong nerves - four of the Moscow-based newspaper's journalists have already been murdered. But the paper has powerful friends, including Mikhail Gorbachev and oligarch Alexander Lebedev.

Olga seemed simultaneously awestruck and wary as she ran her fingers across the envelope. The sender seemed to be important: the "Presidential Administration." Was it mail from the Kremlin? "But the envelope felt strange," says Olga, who is secretary to the editor-in-chief of the Russian newspaper Novaya Gazeta.

When she finally opened the envelope, she felt something cold and leathery inside: the severed ears of a donkey. "One needs strong nerves here," she says. Four of the newspaper's journalists have already been murdered, and one of its attorneys was shot dead in broad daylight.

The donkey ears were followed a few days later by a bloody piece of meat. This time there was no return address on the envelope. And then a peculiar man offered the editor-in-chief a bribe.

[...]

What exactly is the role of Novaya Gazeta, which is now Russia's best-known newspaper abroad? Is Novaya, as its readers call it, a bastion of democratic free speech? German Foreign Minister Frank-Walter Steinmeier, the center-left Social Democratic Party's chancellor candidate in Germany's September elections, has announced plans to visit the editorial offices this week. And there is even a chance that US President Barack Obama could look in on the paper in early July.

Swimming with the sharks

It is shortly before noon when Sergei Sokolov, sounding like a drill sergeant at a military barracks, yells "editorial conference" into the hallway. Once, while on vacation, he sent a postcard to his colleagues with the words "I'm swimming with sharks" written on it. The postcard was pinned up on the bulletin board in the editorial offices. Next to it, someone wrote: "The poor sharks."

Sokolov is the ideal second-in-command. He channels the flow of ideas coming from editor-in-chief Dmitry Muratov without challenging his authority. When Muratov distributes story ideas to his 60-member editorial staff, it can sound like a conspiracy to bring down the government -- or at least a few cabinet ministers.

[...]

Gaining access to the news is not a problem in Russia the way it is in China, for example. Although television is largely state-controlled, the range of opinions in newspapers and on the Internet is broader than, say, in Germany. The country suffers from a completely different sort of affliction: Even the biggest, most scandalous expos?s lead to no consequences whatsoever.

Free and influential media ought to be an important tool in fighting excessive corruption. But in Russia the media lack the necessary powers. Boris Yeltsin, as Russia's first president, compelled the attorney general's office to respond within 10 days to corruption charges brought by the media. His successor Putin promptly revoked Yeltsin's order shortly after taking office.

'Find Out Who's Involved'

Novaya Gazeta editor-in-chief Muratov is looking at one of his senior editors, who has just received word of a spectacular accident on Kutuzovsky Prospekt, a street that leads to the Kremlin. A 20-year-old has crashed his new Ferrari while traveling at 200 kilometers per hour (125 mph). The father of the young man is apparently a member of the executive board of a group of banks.

NOVAYA GAZETA

The Moscow newspaper Novaya Gazeta was founded in 1993 by three journalists who had split off from the Komsomolskaya Pravda, formerly the mouthpiece of the communist youth organization Komsomol.

The 60 journalists who work at the paper own 51 percent, with a 49 percent stake held by Mikhail Gorbachev -- the last head of state of the Soviet Union and winner of the 1990 Nobel Peace Prize -- and the Moscow financier Alexander Lebedev.

The paper has a circulation of 270,000 copies and reaches around a million readers. On Sunday, the paper was awarded the Free Media Pioneer award for 2009, an honor handed out annually by the International Press Institute to publications which embody the defense of press freedom.

[...]

Lebedev bought the employees' shares for about ˆ1.5 million ($2.1 million). Since then, he has injected millions into the money-losing paper every year. No one buys advertising; everyone is fearful of incurring the Kremlin's wrath. "As long as I have money, I will help," says Lebedev, in the opulent reception room of his luxurious mansion near the Foreign Ministry. He is wearing jeans, a designer vest and stylish black sneakers.

The magnate praises his "team of fantastic, courageous journalists," says that his goal is to make the paper the "opinion leader in Russia," and quotes the poet and Stalin critic Osip Mandelstam. He likes to see his editors as part of this tradition of resistance to the throne, and himself as a shining light of press freedom.

But politicians, media executives and journalists in Moscow often have other things to say about Lebedev. For one, they say that the entrepreneur, who lost bids to become the mayor of Moscow and Sochi, the site of the 2014 Winter Olympics, keeps the paper to promote his political ambitions. They also claim that, in the Moscow game of power politics, he has been chosen to keep the inconvenient newspaper under control on Putin's behalf.

Lebedev and Gorbachev reject such claims as "absurd." "Just take a look at the stories in Novaya," says Lebedev. For example, he says, Putin's press czar, Alexei Gromov, was furious when the paper disclosed his alleged business interests in digital television.

Part 2: 'No Story Is Worth another Life'

"Lebedev became interested in Novaya when he went into politics," says one of the magnate's colleagues from his days working for the foreign intelligence agency. When he took over the National Reserve Bank in the mid-1990s, Lebedev recruited some of his top managers from the intelligence community. The head of the bank's administrative board, an old friend of Lebedev, is married to the sister of Anna Politkovskaya, a star reporter for Novaya Gazeta who was shot dead in October 2006. Lebedev offered a reward of more than €700,000 ($980,000) for information leading to the arrest of the murderers.

[...]

His real rivals are at home, especially his archenemy Yuri Luzhkov, the powerful mayor of Moscow. Lebedev once published a pamphlet in which he listed all of Luzhkov's broken promises.

But there are few overly critical words written about Luzhkov in Novaya. The building that houses the paper's editorial offices, for which it pays a low rent, belongs to the city. It appears that even Novaya has its limits when it comes to exposing the foibles of the powerful.

Seeking to change reality

[...]

In September 2004, the Kremlin had its forces storm a school in Beslan that was occupied by Chechen terrorists. But Milashina found information suggesting that the terrorists did not set off the bomb they had installed. Rather, ricochets coming from the guns of the Russian special forces apparently triggered the catastrophe. In addition to 31 terrorists, 334 schoolchildren, parents, teachers and soldiers died in the Beslan incident.

After the sinking of the Kursk nuclear submarine in August 2000, Milashina spoke with 53 officers and experts, including 27 admirals and rear admirals with the Russian fleet, until, as she says, she "could have led a tour through that nuclear submarine with my eyes closed." In the end, she was able to prove that a few of the 118 sailors trapped in the submarine 108 meters (354 feet) below sea level were alive for three to four days -- not just a few hours, as the government had insisted in an effort to justify its claim that a rescue mission was impossible.

Milashina was 22 at the time. "Novaya is the only place where I can truly practice journalism," she says today. "We help people in very specific ways." The paper's editors seek to change reality, instead of merely describing it. For that reason, some of the journalists occasionally abandon the role of observer and make themselves into part of their stories. This was one of the criticisms of slain journalist Anna Politkovskaya, both in Russia and in the West. She evacuated retirees from the embattled city of Grozny and placed them in Russian retirement homes.

Politkovskaya was no isolated case. Her colleague Vyacheslav Izmailov, a veteran of the Chechen war and an expert on the Caucasus region, helped liberate more than 170 hostages from the Chechens. He uncovered evidence linking despotic Chechen President Ramzan Kadyrov to torture, and he is convinced that the trail in Politkovskaya's murder leads to Kadyrov and his cohorts.

[...]

Such fiascos are all the more painful to the trio because the three men have known each other for the past two decades. Twenty years ago, Gorbachev was still president and the general secretary of the Communist Party. One evening, during a visit to London to attend a summit of industrialized nations, where he was fighting for a loan worth billions, he was unwinding at the embassy. Everyone praised Gorbachev who, in his typical manner, asked the guests for their criticism. A slim embassy secretary stood up and explained that the loan would lead the country into a debt trap and was more beneficial to the lenders than to Moscow. The man was Lebedev.

"The rest of us held our breath. A young diplomat was contradicting the leader of the Soviet Union," says Lebedev's former KGB colleague.

Novaya Gazeta represents a continuation of that encounter. Gorbachev uses it to fight for his life's work, and to ensure that at least some vestige of glasnost, openness and democracy is retained in the Putin era. Gorbachev, a winner of the Nobel Peace Prize, once donated $300,000 (€215,000) from his book royalties to the Novaya editors so that they could buy computers. He sits in his office today, a portrait of his late wife Raisa on the wall behind him. She too had a special relationship with the paper: In the 1990s, she gave the editorial staff its first mobile phone.

And Lebedev? He is still capable of playing the impudent anarchist today, just as he once did at the Soviet Embassy in London.

Translated from the German by Christopher Sultan

Complete article:
http://www.spiegel.de/international/world/0,1518,629483,00.html

We had our Perestroika. It's high time for yours. TOP
http://www.washingtonpost.com/wp-dyn/content/article/2009/06/05/AR2009060501966.html
Sunday, June 7, 2009

By Mikhail Gorbachev

Years ago, as the Cold War was coming to an end, I said to my fellow leaders around the globe: The world is on the cusp of great events, and in the face of new challenges all of us will have to change, you as well as we. For the most part, the reaction was polite but skeptical silence.

In recent years, however, during speaking tours in the United States before university audiences and business groups, I have often told listeners that I feel Americans need their own change -- a perestroika, not like the one in my country, but an American perestroika -- and the reaction has been markedly different. Halls filled with thousands of people have responded with applause.

[...]

Our perestroika signaled the need for change in the Soviet Union, but it was not meant to suggest a capitulation to the U.S. model. Today, the need for a more far-reaching perestroika -- one for America and the world -- has become clearer than ever.

[...]

We started with glasnost -- giving people a chance to speak out about their worries without fear. I never agreed with my great countryman Alexander Solzhenitsyn when he said that "Gorbachev's glasnost ruined everything." Without glasnost, no changes would have occurred, and Solzhenitsyn would have ended his days in Vermont rather than in Russia.

At first, we labored under the illusion that revamping the existing system -- changes within the "socialist model" -- would suffice. But the pushback from the Communist Party and the government bureaucracy was too strong. Toward the end of 1986, it became clear to me and my supporters that nothing less than the replacement of the system's building blocks was needed.

We opted for free elections, political pluralism, freedom of religion and an economy with competition and private property. We sought to effect these changes in an evolutionary way and without bloodshed. We made mistakes. Important decisions were made too late, and we were unable to complete our perestroika.

Two conspiracies hijacked the changes -- the attempted coup in August 1991, organized by the hard-line opponents of our reforms, which ended up weakening my position as president, and the subsequent agreement among the leaders of Russia, Ukraine and Belarus to dissolve the Union. Russia's leaders then rejected the evolutionary path, plunging the country into chaos.

[...]

But then came the economic crisis of 2008 and 2009, and it became clear that the new Western model was an illusion that benefited chiefly the very rich. Statistics show that the poor and the middle class saw little or no benefit from the economic growth of the past decades.

Complete article:
http://www.washingtonpost.com/wp-dyn/content/article/2009/06/05/AR2009060501966.html

Putinism's piranha stage TOP

http://online.wsj.com/article/SB124451513113796861.html
June 10, 2009

bstephens@wsj.com

Russia's prime minister turns on his loyal friends

[...] In Stage One, Mr. Putin played the role of the determined technocratic modernizer who wanted to do nothing more than impose the rule of law on a young democracy spinning into anarchy. This stage ended in October 2003, with the arrest and subsequent conviction and imprisonment of oligarch Mikhail Khodorkovsky on dubious charges of tax evasion and fraud.

In Stage Two, Mr. Putin dispensed with the technocratic mien and, Bonaparte-like, effectively crowned himself czar, surrounded by a new breed of loyal oligarchs and ex-KGB cronies. They generously help themselves to other people's investments, foreign energy companies especially. This stage lasted as long as the rise in energy prices, culminating with last year's invasion of Georgia.

Now we're at Stage Three, in which Mr. Putin morphs into Hugo Chávez, as high-handed as before but with a populist twist. This is the stage in which guys like Mr. Deripaska allow themselves to be publicly humiliated by Mr. Putin, thinking they're taking one for the team when, in fact, they're taking it in the neck.

[...] In college I knew a guy who stocked his fish tank with goldfish and piranhas. First the piranhas ate the goldfish. It was horrible to watch. Then he stopped feeding the piranhas, so they ate each other. This was more interesting since there was no fish to feel sorry for. Finally one piranha was left. I don't remember my classmate restocking the tank. The champion piranha starved. This is the theory and logic of third-stage Putinism.

Complete article:
http://online.wsj.com/article/SB124451513113796861.html

Memorandum signed on cooperation between Odesa Sea Trade Port and Port of Halifax TOP

June 9, 2009

On the 4-th of June, 2009 the ceremony of signing a Memorandum on Cooperation between Odesa Sea Trade Port (Ukraine) and Port of Halifax (Canada) took place in the Embassy of Ukraine in Canada. On behalf of the Port of Halifax the Memorandum was signed be the President and Chief Executive Officer of the Port Karen Oldfield.

During the ceremony Speaker of Senate of Canada The Honorable Noël A. Kinsella, MP Joy Smith and President of Canada-Ukraine Chamber of Commerce Zenon Potichny delivered their speeches. Ambassador of Ukraine to Canada Ihor Ostash as well as the other speakers emphasized that signing of Memorandum on Cooperation between the "Atlantic Gates of Canada" and "Maritime Gates of Ukraine" would promote trade and economic relations between Ukraine and Canada.

The ceremony was attended by the Senator Honorable Raynell Andreychuk, MP representing Halifax Megan Leslie, MP, Head of the Canada-Ukraine Parliamentary Friendship Group Mark Warawa, MP Peter Goldring, Director General for Europe of the Department of Foreign Affairs and International Trade of Canada Robert Hage, Director (Investment and Trade) of the Greater Halifax Partnership and Executive Director of the Halifax Gateway Council Nancy Phillips.

Protests against Putin sweep Russia as factories go broke TOP
http://www.guardian.co.uk/world/2009/jun/07/russia-putin-policies-protests
Sunday 7 June 2009

By Luke Harding

[...]

Over the past five months car drivers in the towns of Vladivostok and Khabarovsk, on Russia's Pacific coast, have staged a series of largely unreported rallies, following a Kremlin decision in December to raise import duties on secondhand Japanese cars. The sale and servicing of Japanese vehicles is a major business, and Putin's diktat has unleashed a wave of protests. Instead of persuading locals to buy box-like Ladas, it has stoked resentment against Moscow, some nine time zones and 3,800 miles (6,100km) away.

[...]

An uprising that began in Vladivostok is now spreading to European Russia. Last Tuesday some 500 people in the small town of Pikalyovo blocked the federal highway to St Petersburg, 170 miles (270km) away, after their local cement factory shut down, leaving 2,500 people out of work. Two other plants in the town have also closed. The protesters have demanded their unpaid salaries, and have barracked the mayor, telling him they have no money to buy food. They have refused to pay utility bills, prompting the authorities to turn off their hot water. Demonstrators then took to the streets, shouting: "Work, work."

[...]

Across Russia's unhappy provinces, Putin is facing the most significant civic unrest since he became president in 2000. Over the past decade ordinary Russians have been content to put up with less freedom in return for greater prosperity. Now, however, the social contract of the Putin era is unravelling, and disgruntled Russians are taking to the streets, as they did in the 1990s, rediscovering their taste for protest.

The events of last week in Pikalyovo also set a dangerous precedent for Russia's other 500 to 700 mono-towns - all dependent on a single industry for their survival. When their factories go bust, residents have no money to buy food. Seemingly, the only answer is to demonstrate - raising the spectre of a wave of instability and social unrest across the world's biggest country.

Most embarrassingly for the Kremlin, the latest demonstrations took place just down the road from the St Petersburg Economic Forum, an annual global event designed to showcase Russia's economic might and its re-emergence as a global power. But after almost a decade of high oil prices - until last summer - Russia has done little to invest in infrastructure, or to help its backward, poverty-stricken regions.

[...]

Until recently, the Kremlin had been relatively successful at concealing the scale of the protests, imposing a virtual media blackout. But the demonstrations have become more difficult to ignore. In April Kommersant newspaper reported that angry motorists had called for Medvedev and Putin to be blasted into space, while others waved a banner with the playful slogan: "Putler kaputt!", apparently comparing Putin, Russia's prime minister since last year, to Hitler. The authorities were not amused and launched an investigation.

"Russians are a very forbearing people," Yuri Efimenko, a historian and social activist in Khabarovsk said, sitting in a cafe close to the town's Amur river, which forms part of the border between Russia and China. "There isn't love towards the Kremlin, but there used to be respect. Now that's gone," he said. He added: "People have become more sceptical towards central power."

According to Efimenko, there is little danger Russia will have a revolution. Instead of wanting to overthrow the Kremlin, most Russians want Putin to turn up personally and solve their problems - an age-old model in which Putin plays the role of benevolent tsar. Analysts believe there is little possibility of an Orange Revolution in Russia, or much appetite for western-style reform.

The big winner from the protests are the siloviki - the hardline military-intelligence faction, who advocate more state control of business, and want to get rid of the Kremlin's remaining liberals. The big loser is Medvedev, the hapless president, who may be turfed out of the presidency when his term expires in 2012.

In the meantime, Putin has been promoting Russia's indigenous car industry. Last week he took to the wheel of his Soviet-era Volga Gaz-21 car, giving Russia's patriarch a lift. He also gave a ?505m loan to help AvtoVAZ, a struggling Russian car factory on the Volga.

[..]

Complete article:
http://www.guardian.co.uk/world/2009/jun/07/russia-putin-policies-protests

Підписано Меморандум про співпрацю між Одеським морським торговельним портом і Портом Галіфакс TOP

9 червня 2009 року

4 червня ц.р. в Посольстві України в Канаді відбулася церемонія підписання Меморандуму про співпрацю між Одеським морським торговельним портом і Портом Галіфакс. Від імені Порту Галіфакс Меморандум підписала Президент та Головний виконавчий директор порту Карен Олдфілд.

На церемонії виступили Спікер Сенату Парламенту Канади Ноел Кінсела, член Палати Громад Джой Сміт, Президент Канадсько-української торгової палати Зенон Потічний. Посол України в Канаді Ігор Осташ та інші виступаючі, зокрема, підкреслювали, що підписання Меморандуму про співпрацю між "Атлантичними воротами Канади" та "Морськими воротами України" сприятиме розвитку торговельно-економічних відносин між Україною і Канадою.

На церемонії також були присутні сенатор Рейнел Андрейчак, член парламенту Канади від Галіфаксу Меган Леслі, член Парламенту та голова Парламентської групи дружби Канада-Україна Марк Варава, депутат Парламенту Пітер Голдрінг, Директор Департаменту Європи Міністерства закордонних справ та міжнародної торгівлі Канади Роберт Хейг, Директор компанії "Greater Halifax Partnership" та Виконавчий директор Ради "Halifax Gateway Council" Ненсі Філіпс.

IEU features masterpieces of Rococo architecture in Ukraine
From: Marko R. Stech <m.stech@utoronto.ca>
TOP
http://www.encyclopediaofukraine.com/featuredentry.asp

Internet Encyclopedia of Ukraine features:
Masterpieces of Rococo architecture in Ukraine (June 2009)

In some ways, rococo represented the continuation and conclusion of the baroque period in art and architecture. At the tame time, it signified a fundamental departure from the pathos and striving for the supernatural and spiritual that characterized the creative mind of a baroque artist. Rococo developed at first in a decorative art in the early 18th century in France. Lighter designs, graceful decorative motifs with many shell forms (rocaille in French) and natural patterns, as well as small-scale sculpture inspired by trivial subject matter progressively replaced the flamboyant forms of the baroque architecture, overloaded with unrestrained ornamentation. In Ukraine, where baroque influences were particularly strong and long-lasting, rococo and baroque architectural influences were often intermingled. Rococo influences in Ukrainian sculpture can be seen particularly in iconostases, where carved shell motifs and interlace patterns replaced grapevines and acanthus foliage, often without structural logic. Bartolomeo Francesco Rastrelli and Bernard Meretyn were among the most important rococo architects in Ukraine...

Learn more about the masterpieces of rococo architecture in Ukraine by visiting:

http://www.encyclopediaofukraine.com/featuredentry.asp or by visiting:

http://www.encyclopediaofukraine.com and searching for such entries as:

ROCOCO. An architectural and decorative style that emerged in France in the early 18th century. Examples of the rococo style in Ukraine are Saint Andrew's Church (1747-53) in Kyiv; the Cathedral of the Nativity of the Mother of God (1752-63) in Kozelets, Chernihiv gubernia; the Roman Catholic churches of the Dominican order in Lviv (1747-64) and Ternopil (1745-9); Saint George's Cathedral (1745-70) in Lviv; the Dormition Cathedral at the Pochaiv Monastery (1771-83) in Volhynia; and the town hall (1751) in Buchach, Galicia. The iconostases of Saint Andrew's Church in Kyiv and the church of the Mhar Transfiguration Monastery (1762-5) in Poltava gubernia have delicately carved rococo surface decorations. In religious painting the rococo style had little impact in Ukraine because of the strong hold of the baroque. A few still lifes, intimate in scale, appeared for the first time, however, and rococo design and decoration left a mark on furniture produced in Hlukhiv and Nizhyn in Chernihiv gubernia and in Olesko in Galicia...

SAINT ANDREW'S CHURCH IN KYIV. A masterpiece of rococo architecture in Kyiv. It was designed for Empress Elizabeth I by Bartolomeo Francesco Rastrelli and built under the direction of I. Michurin in 1747–53. Set on a hill above the Podil district on a cruciform foundation atop a two-story building, the church has a central dome flanked by four slender towers topped with small cupolas. The exterior is decorated with Corinthian columns, pilasters, and complex cornices designed by Rastrelli and made by master craftsmen, including the Ukrainians M. Chvitka and Ya. Shevlytsky. The interior has the light and grace characteristic of the rococo style. The iconostasis is decorated with carved gilded ornaments, sculptures, and icon paintings done in 1751-4 by Aleksei Antropov and his assistant at the time, Dmytro H. Levytsky. During the Seven Years' War the imperial court lost interest in the church, and it was unfinished when it was consecrated in 1767. Since 1958 the church has been a branch of the Saint Sophia Museum...

SAINT GEORGE'S CATHEDRAL IN LVIV. One of the finest examples of rococo church architecture in Europe. The cathedral's complex, consisting of the church, the campanile (its bell was made in 1341), the metropolitan's palace, office buildings, a wrought-iron fence, two gates, and a garden, stands on a high terrace overlooking the old city of Lviv. The church was designed by and built under the direction of Bernard Meretyn in 1744-59 and finished in 1764 by S. Fessinger, who also built the adjacent metropolitan's residence (1761-2). Built on a cruciform ground plan, the four-column church is topped by one large cupola and four small ones. The high exterior walls are decorated with simplified Corinthian pilasters, rococo stone lanterns, and a cornice. Two stairways with delicate rococo balustrades lead to the main entrance, which is flanked by statues of Ukrainian Metropolitans Atanasii Sheptytsky and Lev Sheptytsky. The cathedral serves as the seat of the Ukrainian Catholic Halych metropoly...

MARIINSKYI PALACE IN KYIV. Using Count Oleksii Rozumovsky's palace in Perov, near Moscow, as his model, Bartolomeo Francesco Rastrelli designed the palace in Kyiv for Empress Elizabeth I. It was built above the Dnieper River in the Pechersk district under the supervision of the architects I. Michurin, P. Neelov, and Ivan Hryhorovych-Barsky in the years 1747-55. Built in the rococo style, the palace consisted of a long central section with a stone ground floor and wooden second story (destroyed by a fire in 1819), two stone one-story wings, and a large adjacent park with an orangery and orchards. The palace was renovated in 1870 according to K. Maievsky's Louis XVI-style design for the visit of Emperor Alexander II and Empress Maria (hence its name). After being damaged and looted during the Second World War, it was rebuilt by 1949. Since the 1990s Mariinskyi Palace has served as the setting for high-level meetings with foreign dignitaries and it is slated to become the official residence of the president of Ukraine...

RASTRELLI, BARTOLOMEO FRANCESCO, b 1700 in Paris, d 1771 in Saint Petersburg. Architect of Italian origin. Having arrived in Saint Petersburg in 1716 with his father, Carlo Bartolomeo Rastrelli, who did many sculptures for Emperor Peter I, he was appointed court architect in 1730. His renovations of the Great Palace in Peterhof (1747-52; now Petrodvorets), the Catherinian Palace in Tsarskoe Selo (1752-7), the Winter Palace (1754-62), Mikhail Vorontsov's palace (1749-57), and S. Stroganov's palace (1752-4) in Saint Petersburg are the finest examples of late baroque and rococo architecture. He designed two outstanding buildings in Kyiv, Saint Andrew's Church (1747-53) and the Mariinskyi Palace (1752-5)...

The preparation, editing, and display of the IEU entries featuring the masterpieces of rococo architecture in Ukraine were made possible by the financial support from TEODOR BUTREJ's bequest to the CANADIAN FOUNDATION FOR UKRAINIAN STUDIES.

ABOUT IEU: Once completed, the Internet Encyclopedia of Ukraine will be the most comprehensive source of information in English on Ukraine, its history, people, geography, society, economy, and cultural heritage. With over 20,000 detailed encyclopedic entries supplemented with thousands of maps, photographs, illustrations, tables, and other graphic and/or audio materials, this immense repository of knowledge is designed to present Ukraine and Ukrainians to the world.

At present, only 17% of the entire planned IEU database is available on the IEU site. New entries are being edited, updated, and added daily. However, the successful completion of this ambitious and costly project will be possible only with the financial aid of the IEU supporters. Become the IEU supporter (http://www.encyclopediaofukraine.com/donor.asp) and help the CIUS in creating the world's most authoritative electronic information resource about Ukraine and Ukrainians!

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Project Manager, Internet Encyclopedia of Ukraine
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Canadian Institute of Ukrainian Studies
University of Toronto
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tel: (416) 946-7326; fax: (416) 978-2672
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Ukraine suffered colossal looting during World War II TOP
http://www.theartnewspaper.com/articles/Ukraine-suffered-colossal-looting-during-World-War-II/17455
From issue 203, June 2009
Published online 4.6.09

Research challenges Russians' claim that they own many cultural valuables from the independent state

By John Varoli


Mosaic of Mychailovskyi catedral, 12th century.

KYIV/MOSCOW. New research by a Ukrainian scholar is shedding light on a previously unknown chapter of cultural losses in his country during World War II. According to Serhii Kot, a scholar at the Institute of History of Ukraine of the Ukrainian Academy of Sciences, during World War II Ukraine lost a "colossal amount of cultural valuables", on a scale unheard of since the Mongols invaded the country in the early 13th century.

Mr Kot's research also challenges claims by Russia about the extent of its cultural losses during the war. At a conference in Moscow in February, "Trophies--Losses--Equivalents: Cultural Items as Victims of War" (The Art Newspaper, April 2009, p20), some Russian scholars and experts reiterated claims that western nations were failing to return items looted from the Soviet Union. However, the matter became embarrassing for the Russians when Patricia Grimsted, research associate of Harvard University's Ukrainian Research Institute, argued that many so-called Soviet losses, which the Russians claim as their own, were in fact items looted from the territory of what is now an independent Ukraine.

"In all the books in the West about restitution there is no information about Ukraine's cultural losses, except for one book by Patricia Grimsted," said Mr Kot. He says that most authors use 'Russia' as a synonym for the Soviet Union. “When speaking about Russian losses during the war, Russian officials often show total figures for the USSR," said Mr Kot.

All of Ukrainian territory was occupied by Germany, whereas in Russia the troops did not succeed in occupying occupied Moscow and Leningrad, the two main repositories of cultural treasures. While most Moscow and Leningrad collections, such as the Hermitage Museum, were evacuated by the Soviet government, "only a maximum of 3% of Ukraine’s 3.5 million museum items were evacuated", Mr Kot added.

The Nazis systematically looted Ukraine's cultural treasures, which by the end of the war accounted for about 55% of all Soviet cultural losses from museums. Losses included as many as 250,000 items missing from 21 major Ukrainian museums, and about 50 million books. Around 150 of Ukraine's 174 museums suffered severe physical damage.

It was not only a matter of quantity. About 74% of the most valuable Soviet cultural losses came from Ukraine museums, Mr Kot claimed. These include about 300 Dutch and Flemish 16th- and 17th-century paintings from the Uman regional art museum. The paintings have not been seen since the Nazi occupation. In addition, about 800 precious icons assembled by the Nazis from various museums, and which dated from the 11th to 18th centuries, also disappeared.

According to Ms Grimsted, the Ukrainian government still needs to devote more resources to research this issue: "Perhaps Ukraine should follow the Russian example in this respect and establish a centralised website with lists and illustrations."

After the war, the Soviets recovered many works of art from Germany, but research shows that Germany was not alone in depriving Ukraine of its cultural heritage. According to Ms Grimsted, the Americans returned to the Soviets about 534,000 cultural items from 1945 to 1948, and about 167,000 of these items originated from Kyiv. However, many items never made it home, and instead settled in cultural institutions in Leningrad and Moscow.

Mr Kot said Russian museums rarely want to cooperate in determining just how much looted Ukrainian art they possess. At the end of the 1990s, however, Ukrainian researchers learned Russia was in possession of 26 mosaics and frescoes from the walls of the 12th-century St Mikhail's Cathedral in Kyiv that the Soviets destroyed in the 1930s. After years of negotiations, 11 of the frescoes, held in the Hermitage, were returned to Ukraine in two shipments: February 2001 and February 2004. The others remain in Russia.

Ms Grimsted says that Ukraine must also do more about the art that it looted from Germany. "Ukraine should be more open about trophy receipts," she said.

Ukrainian immigrant to present first solo exhibition in New Britain, CT TOP
http://www.newbritainherald.com/articles/2009/06/07/news/doc4a2c615912052580874240.txt
Sunday, June 7, 2009

ARTTOWN: Ukrainian immigrant to present first solo exhibition

The Downtown Gallery continues its series of exhibitions with the first solo show of Ukrainian-born artist Tatyana Nadgor. In the old Soviet Union, Nadgor was trained as a naval architect and a mechanical engineer. When she came to the United States 19 years ago she switched careers and became an interior designer.

"As a first-generation immigrant I struggled a lot, working hard to earn my own place under the sun, raise kids and advance professionally. At the same time, art had a steady and profound impact on my life," Nagdor said.

One of the ways Nagdor has fed her love of art is as a volunteer docent at Hartford’s Wadsworth Atheneum Museum of Art. She has made a reputation for herself there and it is not uncommon for visitors to ask for her by name when they come to the museum. Mel Ellis, a member of the committee that selected Nadgor for this solo show, happened to be part of a tour of the Wadsworth led by Nagdor, and was also impressed by her.

"I was so struck both by the depth of Tatyana's knowledge and her keen insight into what she was describing. It is so obvious that her appreciation of art is not out of a textbook. It comes from the heart, and from a really rich mind."

Nagdor has been painting herself only for about nine years. What got her on the path was an exhibition of works by Grandma Moses at the New Britain Museum of American Art.

"I was impressed that Grandma Moses started painting at the age of 72. The story of her life and her art inspired me to try painting myself," she said. Nagdor is a self-taught artist and says, "I usually paint not what I see but what I know and feel. My paintings express my zest for life and sense of humor. In fact, what I initially saw as my 'little hobby' to make people smile turned into desire to make not just 'fun' art but to make a statement."

Nadgor says that her works are influenced by people, events, travel and music. She has participated in several juried art shows and been published in newspapers. She won 1st place in a 2009 juried NAACP exhibition. Her works are also in private collections across the United States and in Europe.

Nadgor has titled her first solo show "Always Listen to Your Belly Button." In this way she is telling us: "Listen to the message that comes from within yourself. This is what you really want to say, what you really want to do and how you really want to live. In other words, no falsehoods and no pretenses!" As an artist, Nagdor tries to present to the world her inner spirit. "I believe that the depth of art is but a reflection of one’s own experience. Good and bad, funny and sad, it is all about life," she said.

'Arresting' is a good word to describe the way Nadgor's work strikes the viewer. This is fully intentional. "I want my somewhat bizarre characters, bright colors and the message behind them to evoke energy and emotions," she said. "I sincerely hope my work will energize the audience and will inspire conversation."

At the very least she hopes no one will be indifferent. That is not likely, but you can find out for yourself as her show opens with a reception to meet the artist June 18 from 4:30 to 7:30 p.m. Nagdor will give a gallery talk at 6 p.m. The public is welcome to attend. Refreshments will be served and admission to the reception, as always to the gallery, is free.

Ukraine pavilion is a Venice Biennale knockout TOP
http://entertainment.timesonline.co.uk/tol/arts_and_entertainment/visual_arts/article6451505.ece
June 8, 2009

Ogata Kinichi, Illya Chichkan and Yahara Misuhiro at the opening of the Ukrainian pavilion at the Venice Biennale

Ben Hoyle, Arts Correspondent

Wladimir Klitschko is 6ft 5in tall, a world heavyweight boxing champion and Olympic gold medallist, speaks four languages fluently and has a PhD in sports science.

He is also the most frightening art curator at the Venice Biennale -- as well as the most unlikely.

An enormous poster of the Ukrainian boxer covers the outside of the Accademia Gallery, close to St Mark's Square, bearing the legend: "Wladimir Klitschko -- Curator". It is an advert for the Ukrainian Pavilion, one of the most ambitious entries among the 77 nations aiming for the Golden Lion, the top prize at the 53rd biennale.

Klitschko's participation in the biennale says much about the uncomfortable dialogue between art and nationalism that defines the event.

Every two years the art world converges on Venice to sniff out new directions in contemporary art. It is an unmatched global cultural fiesta.

However, the 114-year-old event is also a slightly awkward competition between nations. The main campus, for example, hosts 30 permanent national pavilions that roughly reflect the political standing of their occupants at the start of the 20th century. The Belgian pavilion is therefore considerably larger than the Japanese, although few people would claim that the European nation has had as great an artistic impact as the Asian one.

This year's Ukrainian pavilion is in a 16th-century palazzo near the Rialto bridge. It is bankrolled by Victor Pinchuk, a steel magnate and son-in-law of the former Ukrainian President Leonid Kuchma, and presented by his gallery in Kyiv and the country's Culture and Tourism Ministry.

The money sloshing around the place and the surprising choice of curator have made it one of the most talked-about pavilions in Venice. An opening party on Thursday was attended by Naomi Campbell, the artists Jeff Koons and Antony Gormley and the gallery owner Jay Jopling.

The show is called Steppes of Dreamers and is conceived as a journey into a dreamworld. The Palazzo Papadopoli has been reimagined as a horror-film set. The ground floor is ankle-deep in sand. Upstairs rooms have their windows blacked out and are lit by faint, coloured bulbs on chandeliers that brighten and dim, leaving the visitor in darkness. Bursts of dry ice and eerie music are triggered by sensors. A Ukrainian model wearing a skimpy dress and a sulky frown rollerskates silently through the gloom.

The show is credited to Illya Chichkan, a Ukrainian, and Mihara Yasuhiro and Ogata Kinichi, who are Japanese. The billboard of Klitschko is itself described as part of the installation. The bulk of the real curating work has been done by Peter Doroshenko, the artistic director of the PinchukArtCentre in Kyiv. Making the heavyweight champion curator encourages visitors to think about what 'curator' means, he said.

World's best literary works for Ukrainian readers TOP
http://www.day.kiev.ua/274934/

By Liudmyla TARAN
Photo by Mykola ZAVHORODNY

Olha Seniuk's Ukrainian translation of Poltava by the Swedish author Peter Englund will be published in Ukraine in conjunction with the 300th anniversary of the Battle of Poltava. Seniuk was born in Ivano-Frankivsk oblast. She is a laureate of the Maksym Rylsky Literary Prize and specializes in Ukrainian literary translations from Swedish, Norwegian, Danish, Icelandic, and English.

Ms. Seniuk, what made you interested in literary translation?

As a student I majored in the Germanic languages and it took me a while to turn to translation. As a Taras Shevchenko University Ph.D. student, I listened to Oleksandr Biletsky's advice to write a thesis on the Germanic languages .... I had to take an exam in Gothic because this is the basis for the Germanic languages, just like as is Old Slavonic for the Eastern Slavic ones. Gothic is a dead language, yet it provides important material for a comparative analysis of the Germanic languages. After I defended my thesis, I was assigned to the Kyiv Polytechnic Institute as a teacher of English. I was not totally satisfied with the job. It was in 1953, and the government-run publishing company for children, Dytvydav, had just been established. They held a contest for literary editors. I took part in it and won it, along with Yevhen Popovych and Mykhailo Haidai.

You became a literary editor and started accumulating professional experience as a translator, didn't you?

That's right. We were not trained as translators, although we had command of foreign languages. We brimming with enthusiasm and responsibility. At the time our motto was, "Translate only from the original text!" After the 1930s, when so many men of letters had been physically destroyed, all Ukrainian translations were made from the Russian versions of foreign originals.

"Eventually, I found myself faced with the task of mastering the Scandinavian languages. The first book I translated into Ukrainian was Thor Heyerdahl's Aku-Aku, the Secret of Easter Island. At the time all I had was a 20,000-entry Norwegian-Russian dictionary. When I wasn't sure I could understand a word or a phrase, I relied on comparative linguistic analysis and my own intuition. And it worked. I still rely on my linguistic academic background. As for Ukrainian translation, I was fortunate enough to receive consultations from such celebrated experts as Borys Antonenko-Davydovych, Viktor Petrovsky, and Mykola Lukash. I'm sure that good literary translation takes talent, not just the knowledge of several foreign languages.

Did things go well with translations from Swedish and Norwegian?

After Heyerdahl there was the Swedish author Bromberg with his youth adventure stories. However, I felt strongly attracted to Astrid Lindgren. She is an extremely pure soul, so translating her stories proved easy and successful. With time I concentrated on translations from the Scandinavian languages. Our generation reinstated the professional translators' principle, which was in Ukrainian literature in the 1920s-1930s: translate only from the original.

What do you think our young translators lack in terms of professionalism?

They lack thorough knowledge of the literature whose authors they translate. One must see the whole literary complex behind a given text one translates. As for me, I believe I know Norwegian and Swedish classical and modern literature well enough, much better than Danish. Under the Soviets it was difficult to keep track of new publications across the world. Polish media, particularly Literaturà na Swiecie, and the Ukrainian almanac Duklia in Slovakia, proved very helpful. Yevhen Popovych (a noted translator and Olha Seniuk's husband -- L.T.) and I visited Moscow and read new foreign publications at a special library where only experts in the literary field were admitted. This was the only place where one could read them.

What do you think is the task of the Ukrainian translator?

My generation has always seen it as bringing the world’s best literary works to the Ukrainian reader, thus enriching our mother tongue. We all know that at one time an attempt was made to reduce this language to the status of a dialect and our literature, to a provincial status. Nor was it coincidental that Russian translations from foreign literary works were encouraged in the first place. Under the Soviets we were often chastised. As a criterion for the readibility of a translated work we were given this: Will a cleaning lady understand the text?

During that period, being a literary translator was a prestigious status, because every professional translation instantly became a bestseller in Ukraine and elsewhere in the Soviet Union.

At one time issues of the Vsesvit magazine with translations of foreign bestsellers were hard to get; they were passed from one reader to the next. This sounds like a legend these days.

Indeed. And the translators were paid more or less adequate money. Another good thing was that Yevhen and I always chose what we really wanted to translate. True, after another dressing-down, he was strongly advised to translate a novel about the working masses. Yevhen found a reasonably good story written by a West German author. My translations were shelved for two years, but his were not published longer.

During such periods I earned a living as a typist. I must give Oleksandr Bandura, director of the Dnipro Publishing House, his due: he persuaded the local party functionaries that Yevhen and I should be allowed to keep translating because translations kept the publishing company alive. They set a condition: translate one book a year. Yevhen would take a thick volume to translate, while I had to make do with children's stories, which were not enough.

Are there any special aspects in translating books for children?

Above all, you have to figure out the author, his/her world outlook, and style. You don't write what you think the author should have written. You have to read the original text very carefully. Literary translation has nothing to do with voluntarism; it's an attempt to convey the original text with maximum accuracy and at the same time convincingly.

We know that you are trying to share your professional experience with young translators and that you taught at a school for translators in Yaremcha.

Sharing this experience is easier said than done. Sometimes I think that there is no continuity left in the realm of literary translation here. The impression is that the younger generation has categorically discarded everything previously achieved in Ukrainian literature and that these young people are starting from scratch.

Furthermore, if there were market demand for literary translations in Ukraine, you could make demands on young translators. Literary translations are adequately appreciated, so they have nearly dropped to an amateurish level. Besides, our publishing companies keep economizing and no longer hire style editors, so translations are publishes with a multitude of mistakes. Another painful drawback is that our publishing companies are willing to publish literary translations of foreign literature, but they order translations from Russian translations. This also causes ridiculous mistakes.

Is it true that you are the only one in Ukraine to translate from Icelandic?

Yes, it is. My knowledge of comparative linguistics was very helpful. Icelandic is a conservative language as compared to Norwegian or Swedish. To convey the meaning of a single word in Icelandic, you need to use a couple more words in translation.

Which of the writers you have translated are your favorites?

All of them! I was happy translating Astrid Lindgren, Selma Lagerlof, Par Lagerkvist, and August Strindberg.

You have managed to do some travelling. Where have you been?

Yevhen and I twice visited Sweden, Norway, and the United States. Yevhen has also been to Austria.

What is the next book you have translated that will be published soon?

Poltava by the Swedish author Peter Englund is soon to be published in conjunction with the 300th anniversary of the Battle of Poltava.

#16, Tuesday, 2 June 2009

Three terrific bands at 13th annual Toronto Ukrainian Festival TOP
The Toronto Ukrainian Festival, is pleased to announce 3 terrific bands that will be featured at the 13th annual Festival in the Bloor West Village

From Toronto - ZIRKA - is a band of six musicians who love to play their instruments and have a good time. Peter and Morris Hucal started the band when they were 12 years old playing guitar and accordion. Five years later their brother Johnny joined in on trumpet, then a couple years later their sister Katherine on sax. Bill Hawryschuk joined the band three years ago, bringing with him the experiences of playing drums with Solovey, Burya and Dunai. Karen Aniol joined the band two years ago on violin. Zirka has performed at countless zabavas, weddings and festivals over the years. See zirkamusic.com for more information. They are back by popular demand and will be the featured Saturday night Zabava Band on the mainstage at Jane and Bloor Streets Saturday night at 10:30 pm.

From Winnipeg - ZRADA - Formed in 2005, Winnipeg’s Zrada has been forging unforgettable music ever since.  The members of the band set out with the goal to take their Ukrainian roots into the modern world by fusing them with the music they grew up with in Winnipeg.  Inspired by Slavic melodies, sultry gypsy dances, So-Cal punk rock, reggae and ska, Zrada's sound is a tight maelstrom of intricate melodies, unyielding grooves, and passionate, emotional beauty. While the Zrada live show includes modern interpretations of several traditional folk songs, the bulk of the material is original. Written in a folk style, the compositions strive to project the same emotion and imagery as traditional Ukrainian songs. See them on the mainstage at Jane and Bloor Streets Friday, Saturday and Sunday during the Festival. See www.ukrianianfestival.com in September for timing of their performances. See myspace.com for more information about the band.

From  New York City - HRIM is a Ukrainian band consisting of 5 members all of Ukrainian descent. They are Roman Palylyk (Vocals, Bass Guitar), Peter Kolinsky (Vocals), Peter Drobenko (Accordion/Keyboard, Vocals), Roman Kozicky (Guitar), and John Drobenko (Drums).  Since the band's inception in the summer of 2004, HRIM has performed at weddings, festivals, zabavas, and all kinds of events throughout North America. HRIM's sound is unique in the sense that it combines a traditional and modern style of music. The result is a sound that relates to all ages and that everyone can party to. The band is extremely excited to be in the process of recording their first album. Keep up with HRIM news, pictures, music, videos, blogs, merchandise and more at www.hrimband.com and www.myspace.com/hrimband, http://twitter.com/HRIMBAND Hrim will be featured Friday night Sept. 18th at the evening ZABAVA by the mainstage at Jane and Bloor Streets at 10:00 pm.

Please note that the deadline for Festival performance applications is June 30,2009!

For more information: www.ukrainianfestival.com

Leave a message 416.410.9965

Олег Скрипка презентував шляхетній київській спільноті високий український стиль TOP
http://krainamriy.com/news.php?id=95

Олег Скрипка презентував шляхетній київській спільноті високий український стиль

Минулої середи в Києві за спільної ініціативи Етно-фестивалю «Країна мрій» та галереї Тетяни Міронової відбулась прем’єра арт-проекту під назвою «Український високий стиль. Шляхетні вечорниці». Серія мистецьких вечорів у форматі високого національного стилю має за мету об’єднати творчі зусилля сучасних українських художників та музикантів на терені популяризації вітчизняних культурних цінностей в українському суспільстві та на міжнародній арені.

Як відомо, елітні зібрання завжди були важливою частиною світського життя України. В ХІХ столітті шляхетні вечорниці влаштовували видатні діячі української культури – Леся Українка, Микола Гоголь, Іван Франко. «Поняття шляхетності давно вже вийшло за рамки ознак певного аристократичного роду. Сьогодні шляхетність – це особливий спосіб мислення, прагнення до постійного розвитку та самовдосконалення, а шляхетна еліта є своєрідною духовною свідомістю суспільства», – зазначає співорганізатор «Шляхетних вечорниць» Тетяна Міронова, а ініціатор проекту Олег Скрипка запевняє, що «шляхетність минулих років відроджується в сучасній українській традиції насамперед задля шанування творчого потенціалу України та виховання особливого ставлення до вітчизняних культурних цінностей».

Розпочалися «Шляхетні вечорниці» з благодійного аукціону картин сучасних українських художників. Відомі вітчизняні митці – Віктор Сидоренко, Олександр Животков, Владислав Шерешевський, Сергій Гай, Іван Пилипенко, Анатолій та Ганна Криволап люб’язно надали свої роботи для доброчинної акції, всі виручені кошти від якої надійшли до Міжнародного благодійного фонду підтримки студентства та молодих учених України. Далі на гостей чекав показ вишуканого українського одягу. Оригінальні барочні мотиви запропонувала дизайнер високої моди Лілія Пустовіт, а модельєр Людмила Нагорна зробила основний акцент на традиційному міському одязі українців ХVІІІ - ХІХ століть.

В концертній програмі того вечора прозвучали старовинні українські романси у виконанні народної артистки України Ніни Матвієнко, середньовічні канти та старосвітські епічні твори в прочитанні співців «Хореї Козацької», а Олег Скрипка заспівав у камерній манері власних ліричних пісень («Ладо», «Любов», «Рай»), завершивши свій виступ популярним французьким романсом «Tombe La Neіge» та україномовним переспівом драматичної балади «Біда» нашого славного земляка, нащадка шляхетного козацького роду – Володимира Семеновича Висоцького. Останні декілька пісень розчулена публіка слухала стоячи...

Частували гостей французьким шампанським з українськими полуницями та черешнями, а завершилось дійство загальними танцями – елітна київська публіка, пройшовши короткий майстер-клас, старанно та захоплено виробляла чудернацькі па, зовсім як на справжніх середньовічних барокових балах.

Перший Межигірський фест у Нью-Петрівцях відбувся TOP
http://www.museum-ukraine.org.ua/index.php?go=News&in=view&id=3788
Неділя, 07 Червня 2009

Перший Межигірський фест у Нью-Петрівцях відбувся!

-Такі свята треба влаштовувати частіше! – вирішили гості і учасники Першого Межигірського фестивалю у Нових Петрівцях.

Практично, все відбулося, як і планували. Рекордсмен Костянтин Стасюк показав нову техніку бігу, демонстрував неймовірні можливості організму.

Володимир Остапович виставив колекцію Музею булатної холодної зброї. Валентин Згурський – макети кораблів Дніпровської військової флотилії.

Кращий музейний фотограф Сергій Камшилін подарував Національному музею-заповіднику «Битва за Київ у 1943 році» власну персональну виставку, яка удостоєна честі бути розміщеною в одному залі із знаменитою діорамою. Письменник Сергій Буковський представив власні книги.

«Рідна мода» виставила оригінальний народний одяг з модерновою вишивкою.

Народний етнографічний гурт «Гайдамаки» (Вишгород) дав розкішний концерт прямо в парку, біля казана з неймовірним козацьким Кулішем, який сотворив Заступник Президента Міжнародної Федерації бойового гопака Мирослав Шваб, відомий як улюблений кашовар Президента Ющенка. Присутні журналісти відкрили талант бандуриста Віталія Мороза, який одночасно є Головою «Молодої Просвіти».

Парк заповідника давно не чув таких дзвінких пісень і не бачив запальних танців!

Здається, всі отримали потужний оптимістичний заряд, а журналісти ще і поздоровлення з професійним святом.

Ми так і не зрозуміли, чому фестиваль не відвідали представники місцевої влади… Було багато обіцянок і зовсім мало реальних справ… Очікували більше людей. Але, невідомі зловмисники для чогось зірвали афіші… Політика…

Учасники нагороджені відзнаками дипломантів фестивалю.

Ми аналізуємо недоліки продумуючи концепцію наступного фесту. Журналісти запропонували провести подібний захід у Вишгороді, на мальовничих схилах Київського моря… Думаємо…

Як би там не було, нашій команді вдалося вирішити всі організаційні проблеми і фестиваль відбувся!

Програма популяризації музейного села Нові Петрівці і музею-заповіднику, спрацювала!

-Головне, у Нових Петрівцях відтепер є власний фестиваль! – сказав Голова оргкомітету, директор музею «Битва за Київ у 1943 році» Іван Вікован, - Не кожне село досягло цього рівня!

Очікуємо репортажі колег! А організатори і учасники весело продовжили святкування…

Віктор Тригуб, редактор журналу «Музеї України», співорганізатор Першого Межигірського фесту у Нью-Петрівцях

Додаткові знимки:
http://www.museum-ukraine.org.ua/index.php?go=News&in=view&id=3788

Літературний конкурс на кращий патріотичний твір TOP
За ініціативи Херсонського обласного об єднання Всеукраїнського товариства "Просвіта" імені Тараса шЕВЧЕНКА, управління з питань внутрішньої політики обласної державної адміністрації, Херсонського обласного осередку Всеукраїнської молодіжної громадської організації "Молода Просвіта", Херсонської обласної організації Національної Спілки письменників України та Херсонської міської благодійної організації Таврійської фундація "Осередок вивчення української діаспори" відбувся перший тур Літературного конкурсу на кращий патріотичний твір, присвячений сторіччю Степана Бандери.

Юні поети, публіцисти та прозаїки Херсонської області продемонстрували, що попри шалений спротив антиукраїнських сил історична пам'ять жива. Понад три десятка молодих літераторів та публіцистів Херсонщини подали на конкурс свої твори на задану тему. І компетентне журі виявило переможців.

В номінації "Публіцистика" найвищу сходинку виборола праця Поліганової Анни, яка навчається у 10 класі Первомайської загальноосвітньої школи Верхньорогачинського району. Друге місце розділили цьогорічні випускники Атажанов Максим ( Новодмитрівська ЗОШ Іванівського району) та Синишин Зорян ( Приображенська ЗОШ Чаплинського району).Третє місце посіло троє старшокласників, а саме: Малова Оксана ( Скадовська ЗОШ №3), Перекитна Галина (Новонаталівська ЗОШ Чаплинського району та Матвєєва Ірина (Михайлівська ЗОШ Нововоронцовського рвайону).

В творах юних публіцистів простежується головна мета нарисів "Степан Бандера - борець за українську державність". Роздуми про найтрагічніший етап української історії переплітаються із незаангажованим знайомством зі Степаном Бандерою, для якого за ознакою Зоряна Синишина життя - синонім боротьби.

У номінації "Поезія" виявлено не лише кращі зразки римованої публіцистики, а і справжні поетичні знахідки. Родзинкою патріотичної лірики Конкурсу визнано вірш "Зі словом Бандери" випускниці Каховської ЗОШ №6 Олени Богачук, обдарованість якої неодноразово була помічена і на Всеукраїнському конкурсі дитячої поезії "Джерельце" імені Йосипа Курлати(м. Сіверськодонецьк), і на Всеукраїнському фестивалі "Джерело талантів" (м. Донецьк), і на Щорічному відкритому конкурсі молодих літераторів "Покоління - ХХІ" (м. Херсон).Тож її твір і посів найвищу сходинку Конкурсу патріотичних творів.

Друге місце розділили мівж собою девятикласниця Григорівської ЗОШ Чаплинського району Томіла Васібаєва та десятикласниця Строганівської ЗОШ Чаплинського району Ліна Гриценко. Почесне третє місце посіли старшокласники Воронюк Альона ( Отрадівська ЗОШ Новотроїцького району), Бондаренко Руслан (Михайлівська ЗОШ Новотроїцького району) та Віктор Чернявський (Новосеменівська ЗОШ Іванівського району).

Церемонія нагородження відбудеться в приміщенні обласної наукової універсальної бібліотеки імені Олеся Гончара в день відбуття переможців в призову туристичну  подорож на західноукраїнські землі з урочистим відвіданням меморіального комплексу, присвяченого ідеологові українського націоналізму, найвідомішому ватажку ОУН Степанові Бандері.

Олег Олексюк

Ukrainian Intelligence promotes lustration in Ukraine TOP

http://www.jamestown.org/programs/edm/single/?tx_ttnews
June 5, 2009

Taras Kuzio

Yushchenko attacks Ukraine's Soviet past

On May 11 in an interview with Gazeta Wyborcza the Ukrainian Security Service (SBU) chief Valentyn Nalyvaychenko, outlined how previously secret documents from 1917-1991 were being released that will reveal details about the "crimes of communism." Nalyvaychenko described the opening of formerly secret documents and plans to proceed with prosecutions as "the launch of a Ukrainian version of lustration." The documents reveal Soviet crimes against Ukrainians fighting for independence from 1917-1920, the 1933 artificial famine and the nationalist partisan struggle from 1942 to the early 1950's. Nalyvaychenko also revealed that the secret documents exposed crimes committed against other nationals, including Poles living in Ukraine. These began in 1937-38 and those whom the NKVD did not then murder were later murdered in the Kharkiv prisons (and Katyn forest) in 1940.

The director of the SBU's archives Volodymyr Vyatovych revealed that the SBU had already compiled 136 names of individuals involved in committing crimes against humanity during the famine. These included NKVD officers, senior members of the communist party and those who had signed documents. The manner in which the crimes were organized was the basis for the allegation that the famine was a pre-planned "genocide" against Ukraine (Ukrayinska Pravda, May 28).

Russia has counter-attacked the claims of "genocide" by using the argument that the famine was felt throughout the USSR and was an outcome of collectivization and severe weather. This view has long been prevalent within left-wing and pro-Soviet political and academic circles in the West. Nalyvaychenko replied to these Russian counter-claims by asserting that they had not studied the formerly secret documents made publicly available by the SBU. The SBU had requested its Russian counterparts to open secret Russian documents on Soviet repression, but this had been rebutted.

"At first the Tsulag was established in Ukraine and then later the Gulag that we all know about," Nalyvaychenko said. The Tsulag was established in 1919 in Ukraine and included 18 locations. On May 21, the official Day of Memory of Victims of Political Repressions, Yushchenko attended a commemoration at one the most infamous of these in the Bykivnia forest outside Kyiv. The area was established as a State Historical and Memorial Preserve by a resolution adopted by the 2001 Yushchenko government. The SBU had identified 14,000 names of the estimated 100,000 victims buried in Bykivnia.

Nalyvaychenko described how repressive Soviet agencies surrounded Ukrainian oblasts to prevent food entering them. These same units were also stationed on the Crimean border with Ukraine (then within the Russian SFSR). Nalyvychenko's assurances that the SBU's work on Soviet crimes was not directed against Russia will fall on deaf ears in Moscow, especially following President Dmitry Medvedev's establishment of a special commission to "counteract attempts to falsify history." Nalyvaychenko revealed that a 226-page collection of materials showed how in addition to the deaths caused by the famine many others were shot, and these included "Russians, Germans, Jews and Ukrainians" (www.radiosvoboda.org, May 28). The SBU has also investigated the 1944 deportation of 300,000 Crimean Tatars and criminal cases against the Tatar nationalist Milly Firqa organization in the 1920's (Channel 5, May 18).

The SBU chief believed that it would only require a short period of time to collect eye-witness accounts and launch criminal proceedings. These would investigate the repeated "actions of criminal groups and the crimes of repressive agencies in the first place against the civilian population" (Ukrayinska Pravda, May 28). Soviet repression included mass murder of the civilian population, mass deportations and placing the children of those sentenced or murdered into orphanages.

Launching criminal charges and lustration within Ukraine might be more difficult than placing this in the hands of the international courts. Ukraine's judiciary and prosecutor's office are highly corrupt and have not demonstrated sufficient competence in pursuing high profile cases, such as investigating the organizers of journalist Georgi Gongadze's murder or Yushchenko's poisoning. Parliament might also prove unsupportive. Party of Regions leader Viktor Yanukovych described the SBU's lustration plans for launching criminal charges in relation to the famine as "provocative and irresponsible" (Ukrayinska Pravda, May 27). Yanukovych condemned attempts by Yushchenko to play the nationalist card by using the famine to stay in power, potentially further dividing the country and worsening relations with
Russia.

President Yushchenko replied to such domestic critics as individuals whose "dream is a gubernia where they would be uncontrolled lords," a place "without Ukrainian culture and without the Ukrainian language" (www.president.gov.ua, May 17). Nalyvaychenko replied to Yanukovych that Soviet repression and the famine had been most severe in the Donbas and Zaporizhzhia oblast, three regional strongholds. He pointed out that since 2006, Ukrainian legislation asserts that the famine was an "act of genocide against the Ukrainian people," prosecution for which falls within the criminal code. The Ukrainian Institute of National Memory had compiled nearly 900,000 names of Ukrainians who died in the famine. The SBU and the institute continued to work on the documents, collect eye-witness statements and locate mass burial grounds. "In this criminal case there is a serious possibility of success in court," Nalyvaychenko said (Ukrayinska Pravda, June 3).

The lustration of former communist officials has not been the norm in the majority of the 27 post-communist states. Different degrees of lustration were undertaken in Germany and within ten Central Eastern and Baltic states. The toughest lustration legislation was adopted in the Czech Republic and Germany. It is noticeable, however, from this list of countries that no CIS state including Georgia has undertaken lustration. This could now change with Ukraine following Central-Eastern Europe in launching the lustration of communist crimes against humanity.

The issues of nation building and historical memory have become a personal crusade for President Yushchenko. At his Bykivnia speech, Yushchenko called for the removal of all the communist "symbols of murder" (www.president.gov.ua, May 17). Following the disintegration of the USSR, Ukrainian democratization could never be divorced from nation and state building. Yushchenko's crusade against Soviet crimes is intimately bound up with its democratization and integration into Europe. This explains Moscow's hostility as it is in the throes of covering up Soviet crimes, and building an autocracy grounded in a synthesis of nationalism and Soviet rule.

Why grand coalition talks collapse in Ukraine TOP
http://www.jamestown.org/programs/edm/
June 10, 2009

By Pavel Korduban

The talks on forming a coalition between Prime Minister Yulia Tymoshenko and Party of Regions (PRU) leader Viktor Yanukovych have failed due to mutual distrust. Electing the next president in parliament was among the main conditions for a grand coalition that would have permitted Tymoshenko to remain as prime minister after Yanukovych's election as the next president by parliament. This would have initiated the start of Ukraine's transition to parliamentary rule (EDM, June 3). As the talks failed, until after the popular presidential election scheduled for January 2010, Ukraine will remain an unstable and mixed parliamentary-presidential republic where the line between the authorities of president and prime minister are blurred.

Everything was in place for forming a new coalition by June 5, including the draft of a new constitution which had been published in the media and widely discussed. However, on June 7 Yanukovych unexpectedly announced on TV that the talks had failed. The main reason, he said, was that he could not agree to elect the president in parliament, since this would "make society doubtful about the transparency of our actions."

Yanukovych also said that a new coalition would have insufficient time to appoint a new government and adopt a fresh constitution (Inter TV, June 7).

Tymoshenko reacted immediately with an improvised televised address to the nation. She stated that the PRU unilaterally withdrew from the coalition talks, although "the four political forces - the PRU, the parliamentary speaker Volodymyr Lytvyn bloc, the BYT (Tymoshenko bloc) and the majority of Our Ukraine agreed to unite for the sake of the people," at a time of severe economic crisis. ..

Tymoshenko said that her party was against both electing the president in parliament and extending the current parliamentary term from 2012 till 2014 - although it is widely known that the two conditions for a grand coalition had been agreed between her and Yanukovych (ICTV, June 7).

Yanukovych apparently decided that it was safer to run in a popular election, which the opinion polls indicated that he might win, rather than relying on an election in parliament of a coalition partner that had been his long-standing opponent. Moreover, mutual distrust was fueled by the lack of unity among the BYT ranks regarding the coalition conditions. The nationalist wing was firmly against extending the parliamentary term, and Tymoshenko reportedly assured them that the next parliamentary election will be held in 2012 (Ukrainska Pravda, June 8).

This probably raised doubts within Yanukovych's camp as to whether the rest of the agreements would be adhered to.

Yanukovych apparently wanted more guarantees of his election victory. Tymoshenko claimed in her address to the nation that he insisted on raising the minimum age requirement for presidential candidates from 35 to 50. This would automatically exclude from the race both Tymoshenko and the third most popular candidate, the liberal economist Arseny Yatsenyuk. Tymoshenko said she could not accept such an "exotic" precedent (ICTV, June 7).

[...]

On June 5, parliament dismissed Defense Minister Yury Yekhanurov. The motion was backed by 363 votes in the 450-seat body. The vote demonstrated how little influence the weakened President Viktor Yushchenko retains over parliament. Tymoshenko had insisted on Yekhanurov's dismissal. On May 20 she accused Yekhanurov of corruption, referring to the results of investigations alleging that ministerial officials were involved in illegal operations involving land and fuel.

Tymoshenko asked Yushchenko to dismiss Yekhanurov but he refused, insisting that Yekhanurov had not violated any laws (UNIAN, May 20). With Yekhanurov's departure, Tymoshenko's cabinet remains without a defense minister, finance minister and foreign minister. Justice Minister Mykola Onishchuk, another ally of Yushchenko's, also might be vulnerable as the BYT has long insisted on his dismissal.

Complete article:
http://www.jamestown.org/programs/edm/

Russia's ideological crusade against Ukraine TOP
Taras Kuzio

Prime Minister Vladimir Putin's recent reference to Denikin's description of Russia and Ukraine as "great" and "little" Russia shows the degree to which these Russian views of Ukraine remain deep seated. Putin's use of "little Russia" infuriated all shades of Ukrainian opinion. As Ukrainian historians pointed out, Denikin hated "Ukrainian separatism" more than he did the Bolsheviks, and this was his undoing. Denikin's march on Moscow was foiled by uprisings in Ukraine, where his forces terrorized everything Ukrainian.


According to an interview with Ukraine's Ambassador to Russia Konstantyn Hryshchenko, the country's bilateral relationship with Russia has sunk to its lowest level since the disintegration of the Soviet Union, testimony to the Russian state control of the media and its ideological crusade against Ukraine (www.profil-ua.com, June 6). In the weekly Glavred magazine on May 20 its front cover declared: "Beware Ukrainophobia!"

The Levada Center recently found that 62 percent of Russians hold a negative view of Ukraine with only the United States and Georgia being seen in a worse light. At the same time, 91 percent of Ukrainians hold positive views of Russia, a reflection of media pluralism and the lack of state directed propaganda against Russia. Analyzing these polls, the head of the Center for Military-Political Research in Kyiv summarized this relationship in his headline: "We like them but they do not like us" (www.pravda.com.ua, May 5).

The Ukrainian Security Service (SBU) is openly raising the question of the intensification of Russian intelligence activities within Ukraine, and Russia's return to Soviet KGB tactics. This concern was expressed in SBU chairman Valentyn Nalyvaychenko's comment that the FSB within the Black Sea Fleet should withdraw from the Crimea (www.radiosvoboda, June 2). Nalyvaychenko explained that one of the functions of the SBU was counter-espionage, and that was why they did not agree with the FSB being based in the Fleet.

Memoirs published in the West after the Russian revolution by white Russian émigrés described "Ukrainian separatism" as an "Austrian" plot against Russia. "Ukrainian separatism" in the 1990's evolved into a "Western plot," while two thirds of Russians in January 2005 believed that the Orange Revolution was an "American conspiracy".


The main suspects of the murder in Odessa on April 17 of a student member of the Ukrainian nationalist NGO Sich, Maksym Chayka, belong to the "Antifa(scist)" NGO financed by the Russian nationalist Rodina party. The presidential secretariat requested that the SBU investigate their activities to discover if they are coordinated "with foreign organizations of an anti-Ukrainian orientation" (www.president.gov.ua, April 22). The SBU appealed to the justice ministry to consider if there were grounds to revoke Rodina's registration, based on among things, their link to organized crime and financing from abroad. The suspects have fled to Russia.

The conflict between the Sich and Antifa NGO's is historically based; specifically the controversy surrounding the unveiling of a monument to Empress Catherine in Odessa in October 2007. Ambassador Hryshchenko pointed out that unlike the constant Russian interference in Ukraine, Kyiv does not protest against Russian glorification of Tsar Peter and Tsarina Catherine - even though both are regarded very negatively in Ukraine. Ukrainian history equates both Russian leaders as the destroyers of the Ukrainian autonomous Hetmanate in the late eighteenth century and the re-organization of Ukrainian territories into gubernia, as well as the introduction of serfdom and the banning of the Ukrainian language.

In their rush to "reset" the button with Russia after its invasion of Georgia and Barack Obama's election, Brussels and Washington have ignored Russia's ideological crusade against Ukraine. They should heed the warning from Ambassador Shcherbak, who believes Russia's ultimate aim is to "destroy Ukrainian statehood" (Den, May 26).


The Russian foreign ministry assumes the right to condemn the unveiling of monuments to historical figures in Ukraine. For example, Ukraine will unveil a monument to Cossack Hetman Ivan Mazepa on Independence Day (August 24) in his home region of Poltava on the occasion of the 300th anniversary of the Battle of Poltava, where Ukrainian-Swedish forces were defeated by Russia. Mazepa has undergone rehabilitation as a hero in independent Ukraine, and his picture is displayed on the 10 hryvnia note.

The Russian Orthodox Church imposed an "anathema" on Mazepa and he was condemned as a "traitor" to Russian-Ukrainian unity by tsars and commissars alike. The on-going furore has led to a split within the Ukrainian Orthodox Church (Moscow Patriarchate) with Metropolitan Dmytruk, the head of the UOC's foreign relations, supporting the growing call to remove the church's anathema (www.pravda.com.ua, May 26).

Russia's new historiography incorporates additional Russian chauvinists, such as White Army General Anton Denikin. Prime Minister Vladimir Putin's recent reference to Denikin's description of Russia and Ukraine as "great" and "little" Russia shows the degree to which these Russian views of Ukraine remain deep seated. Putin's use of "little Russia" infuriated all shades of Ukrainian opinion. As Ukrainian historians pointed out, Denikin hated "Ukrainian separatism" more than he did the Bolsheviks, and this was his undoing. Denikin's march on Moscow was foiled by uprisings in Ukraine, where his forces terrorized everything Ukrainian (www.unian.net, May 28).

Memoirs published in the West after the Russian revolution by white Russian émigrés described "Ukrainian separatism" as an "Austrian" plot against Russia. "Ukrainian separatism" in the 1990's evolved into a "Western plot," while two thirds of Russians in January 2005 believed that the Orange Revolution was an "American conspiracy" (see the critical review of the new anti-Ukrainian book "American Salo [pork fat]" www.unian.net, May 29).

These views of Ukraine's "artificiality" and "fragility" remain deeply rooted within the Russian mindset, and explain the state orchestrated campaign depicting Ukraine as a "failed state" that requires international supervision. Putin described Ukraine as an "artificial" entity with lands given to it by Russia and the USSR during his speech to the NATO-Russia Council in Bucharest in April 2008. The March 16 issue of Russian political scientist Gleb Pavlovsky's Ruskyi Zhurnal was devoted to "Will Ukraine Lose its Sovereignty?" (www.russ.ru).

Ukraine's former Ambassador to the United States Yuriy Shcherbak, wrote a lengthy analysis of the campaign conducted by senior Russian officials. Shcherbak believes that the aim is an "ideological-propaganda preparation of a future operation for the seizure of the territory of a sovereign state" (Den, May 26).

One of the Russian officials named by Shcherbak was the director of the Institute for CIS Countries Konstantin Zatulin, who recently called upon Russia to see ethnic Russians in Ukraine "in the same rank as the army, the fleet and church" (www.russkie.org). Zatulin was again denied entry to Ukraine at Simferopol airport. The SBU spokesperson explained this by saying that Zatulin remained on a banned list of Russians entering Ukraine. More importantly, "The stance of the SBU on this question is very tough: independent of the citizenship and position held (of the person) there is no place in Ukraine for separatists and extremists" (www.pravda.com.ua, June 6).

In their rush to "reset" the button with Russia after its invasion of Georgia and Barack Obama's election, Brussels and Washington have ignored Russia's ideological crusade against Ukraine. They should heed the warning from Ambassador Shcherbak, who believes Russia's ultimate aim is to "destroy Ukrainian statehood" (Den, May 26).

A wake-up call for Georgia, Ukraine - and the West TOP
http://news.yahoo.com/s/csm/20090610/cm_csm/yyalowitz09
June 10, 2009

By Denis Corboy, William Courtney and Kenneth Yalowitz

[...]

Moscow is now exploiting this vulnerability in Ukraine and Georgia by demonizing democrats, aiding their opponents, and abetting separatists. The failure for democrats within those countries to work together could lead to authoritarian or anti-Western rule.

If Ukraine and Georgia are going to steer clear of that, they must now make hard choices.

In Georgia, US-educated President Mikheil Saakashvili made reforms but then dismissed opposing views and stifled some media and debate. Former compatriots in the Rose Revolution now lead opposition parties. They have blockaded streets and stopped some trains. Tens of thousands of demonstrators packed a football stadium on Georgia's national day, May 26.

Last month the US and the European Union urged the opposition to negotiate reforms. This was largely ignored. Instead, much of the opposition demands the immediate resignation of the Georgian president. Polls show he retains the support of only two-fifths of Georgians. The risk of violence is a serious concern. A Georgian military unit mutinied, and a hand grenade exploded at an antigovernment television station.

Ukraine's current President Viktor Yushchenko and Prime Minister Yulia Tymoshenko catalyzed democratic forces in the Orange Revolution and then led reforms. But corruption sapped much of the benefits of rapid economic growth and the east-west divide within Ukraine persists. The two leaders became bitter foes. Mr. Yushchenko has gone out of his way to irritate Moscow, while Ms. Tymoshenko has flirted with a coalition that would tie Ukraine closer to Russia. And that's just the scratching the surface.

What lessons do these political tales of woe teach?

First, the Stalinist legacy of pervasive fear which fueled political and social distrust still impedes open debate even though it strengthens countries.

[...]

The need now is for serious negotiations between sides, and democratic solutions. In Ukraine, open discourse is facilitating tough economic decisions enabling International Monetary Fund support and modulating inter-regional tensions.

The second lesson is that disunity and weakness carry risk at a time when both countries' futures hang in the balance. Blood-letting among democrats in Ukraine weakens their ability to resist Russian pressure on energy transport and Crimea's status. Similar acrimony in Georgia inhibits political conciliation and the development of a loyal and apolitical military.

[...]

The hard lesson for Georgia and Ukraine is that governments and citizens must summon courage and solve their own problems. Leaders should make reform their main agenda. If they can't or won't do this, they ought to step aside. A new generation of leaders - young enough never to have been schooled in Soviet ideology - may be better able to contain retrograde forces and carry the banner of reform. Ukraine and Georgia have promising candidates.

The US and Europe, meanwhile, must do more to improve conditions for reform - and not disdain prospects for democratic change in troubled areas. The best tool is expanded assistance to foster the rule of law, honest elections, respect for human rights and minorities, and the fight against corruption. Advances in these areas should precede - and will enable - closer ties to the European Union and NATO, not the other way around.

Ukraine and Georgia must fashion their own futures and find leaders who can cooperate for democracy. Street demonstrations, economic crises, and Russian pressure should be a powerful wake-up call. Unless democrats unify, backward-looking forces could take hold - as has happened in Russia, to the detriment of US and European interests.

Complete article:
http://news.yahoo.com/s/csm/20090610/cm_csm/yyalowitz09

How 1989 fanned flames in Ukraine TOP
http://news.bbc.co.uk/2/hi/europe/8091737.stm
10 June, 2009

By Olexiy Solohubenko

[...]

"We were in a full session of the Central Committee one day," he [Leonid Kravchuk] tells the BBC, "when someone ran up and said, 'There are two women with a placard outside!' My God, we stopped the session and I was sent down to investigate.

" Gorbachev decided to let a little bit of genie out of the bottle. But you cannot let out just a little bit " Poet Ivan Drach

"It turned out they wanted money for a rail ticket," he laughs. "And so had decided to attract attention in this manner. I gave them 40 roubles, but the whole Central Committee was spooked by two women with one placard. There was fear because no-one ever stood against the Party."

It was the time of glasnost, of openness in the media which the then Soviet President Mikhail Gorbachev introduced. Poet Ivan Drach took it very seriously.

He says he knows exactly how many people could fit into the hall at the Writers' Union headquarters in the leafy part of Kiev: 167.

"When we spoke here about the need for change, the hall was always full," Drach says. "And soon we needed bigger halls, but they were also not large enough."

No easy ride

[...]

Semyon Gluzman spent 10 years in gulag camps and exile for exposing the abuses of Soviet psychiatry. In his tiny office at Kiev's main psychiatric hospital with all kinds of awards and accolades displayed on the walls, he says he had genuine fears.

"I will be honest, I thought this country could be more repressive, more anti-Semitic and the party machine here could create its own independent fiefdom and run it the way they wanted. I am glad I was wrong, and Ukraine is more democratic and freer than I thought it would be."

Yet, independence was not an easy ride. The communist authorities wanted to keep power, by force if necessary.

Phone warning

Threats and intimidation were nothing unusual. "I could write a book about them," says Ivan Drach. "And the threats were really nasty. As soon as I spoke sharply about the need to break away from Moscow, my son was badly beaten."

Even high rank did not provide immunity. Leonid Kravchuk, later elected the first president of independent Ukraine, tells of his and Boris Yeltsin's escape from a hunting lodge in Belarus in December 1991, where they discussed the break up of the Soviet Union with their Belarussian host Stanislav Shushkevich.

[...]

Ukraine was and still is a more diverse if not divided country. Ukrainian and Russian compete for linguistic dominance, eastern and western regions compete for power and there are all sorts of ecclesiastical splits that would take ages to explain.

'Small steps'

Yet, there was one powerful, uniting factor for all Ukrainians: Chernobyl.

The degree of lies, secrecy and disregard for people's lives after Chernobyl critically undermined whatever was left of trust in the authorities.

A powerful Green Movement was formed. It could easily bring tens of thousands of people out onto the streets and the authorities could do nothing about it.

[...]

Indeed, it was na?ve to believe Ukraine would become a European democracy overnight, but in terms of freedom, according to Semyon Gluzman, it is doing much better than most other ex-Soviet states.

"What we need is small steps", he says. "In fact, I am a specialist in small steps."

There have also been big leaps in Ukraine over the past 20 years: it may still be building its identity as a nation, but it has a functioning state, relatively free media and, even though it is still a poor country, there have been marked improvements in the standard of living.

The global crisis is hitting Ukraine very hard, and an IMF pledge to help with $16bn (?10bn) may not be enough to put its export-based economy back on track.

[...]

Over the years Ukraine has travelled a long way, but looking now at the challenges facing it - in the economy and, crucially, in sorting out its messy politics - I keep feeling that winching away Lenin was actually the easy bit.

Complete article:
http://news.bbc.co.uk/2/hi/europe/8091737.stm

Yatsenyuk, unlike current leaders, inspires hope for better democracy TOP
http://www.kyivpost.com/opinion/op_ed/37730/?p=2&mode=DESC
18 March,2009

Mychailo Wynnyckyi

The March 5 Kyiv Post opinion article by Taras Kuzio ["Yatsenyuk, a Yushchenko clone, will bring stagnation"] just might win first prize for the most dirty, tendentious and misleading political commentary ever published in Kyiv Post history. Please note that I criticize not only the author. ...

When I read the newspaper, I expect commentary and news that enables a non-Ukrainian- speaking audience to better understand what is going on in the country. I have no doubt that Kyiv Post readers would find it interesting that, according to the most recent polling data, voter support for Arseniy Yatsenyuk has crossed the 10 percent level, and support for Prime Minister Yulia Tymoshenko and ex-Prime Minister Victor Yanukovych has dropped below 20 percent for each. Most interestingly, when asked whom they would vote for in a second round runoff with two candidates, voters prefer Yatsenyuk by a small margin against Tymoshenko and Yanukovych.

[...]

The fact that Yatsenyuk, like Obama, could be the dark-horse candidate who actually wins the upcoming presidential election is what leads Kuzio and his fellow Tymoshenko supporters to resort to dirty campaign tricks like bringing up the former parliamentary speaker's supposedly "bonafide Jewish origins". This type of veiled anti-Semitism is particularly disturbing because it comes from a supposedly impartial academic. Kuzio’s reference is targeted to appeal to die-hard Tymoshenko supporters who justify Ukraine's less-than- ideal economic and political post-independence and post-Orange Revolution development on a Jewish conspiracy. Such nonsense reflects a nationalist need to blame anything but the image in the mirror, and it's wrong. Bravo Kuzio for slipping to the lowest of possible lows before the election campaign has even started!

[...]

No matter how disappointed I am in Yushchenko's presidency, I have no doubt that post-Orange Ukraine is a better place to live in than Leonid Kuchma-era Ukraine. Given a choice between the "strong hand" approach to leadership advocated by both Tymoshenko and Yanukovych, and a candidate who is fluent in Ukrainian and English, reads the Financial Times and respects the sitting president enough to wait for Yushchenko to announce his plans before entering the campaign to replace him, I choose the latter without question.

Kuzio criticizes Yatsenyuk's future run for the presidency as futile because it is based on a grassroots campaign strategy that has been unsuccessful in Ukraine in the past. But without a grassroots organization, how else is Ukraine to get new leaders into its elite? Kuzio disparages Yatsenyuk for collecting money for his campaign from businesspeople with less than impeccable democratic credentials. But at least with backers such as Victor Pinchuk and Serhiy Taruta (industrialists who were both close to Kuchma), we know where Yatsenyuk's money comes from, and that’s more than one can say for the prime minister's campaign fund.

The bottom line is that Kuzio, and his friends in the Tymoshenko camp, recognize that their real opponent in the upcoming first round of the presidential election will be not be Yushchenko or Yanukovych, but Yatsenyuk. Early in the campaign, they are doing everything possible to publicly write off their rival. In the next few months, we'll be hearing lots of "vote for Yatsenyuk is a wasted vote", and "Yatsenyuk doesnt have a chance". Then, when the polls show even support for the two non-Donbas candidates, the strategy will change to digging up dirt on Yatsenyuk and blaming the "Yushchenko clone" for all of the sitting president's mistakes. All of this is a reflection of weakness in the Tymoshenko camp, not strength.

[...]

Complete article:
http://www.kyivpost.com/opinion/op_ed/37730/?p=2&mode=DESC

Ukrainian minister vows to protect Jew’s rights TOP
Now all we need is a Minister to protect Ukrainians & their language !...

Jaroslaw Sawka


June 11, 2009

KYIV, Ukraine (JTA) -- A newly appointed Ukrainian minister vowed to stop xenophobia and interethnic hatred in his country, and to protect the rights of Jews there.

Dr. Yuriy Reshetnikov, the new chairman of the Ukrainian State Committee for Nationalities and Religions, told a news conference Wednesday in Kiev that his committee will use all possible instruments to combat or prevent xenophobia and interethnic hatred.

Reshetnikov talked about intensifying the activities of an interdepartmental council of experts, including scientists, as well as political and other public figures, in the effort.

He spoke about the importance of improving relations with international organizations to protect the rights and cultures of ethnic minorities in Ukraine. Reshetnikov promised to do his best to protect the rights of ethnic minorities, especially Jews.

"We do not see systematic manifestations of anti-Semitism," he said, "but we'll do all the best to prevent xenophobia, racism and anti-Semitism. We shall teach children tolerance through educational programs and mass media".

З вересня школярі докладніше вивчатимуть про Голодомор і ОУН-УПА TOP
Питання є чи політики в східні Україні і в Криму перевершуть свої обов'язки і
відмовлять новому поколінні вивчати по нові програмі - як це недавно вони собі позволяли безкарно?
-- М. Олексюк, Ред.

 

10.06.2009

Із вересня цього року школярі вивчатимуть історію України за новою програмою.

[...]

Діти докладніше знатимуть про злочин геноциду українського народу - Голодомор 1932-1933 років, масові репресії комуністичної влади 20-50-х років минулого століття, боротьбу Організації українських націоналістів та Української повстанської армії, протистояння дисидентського руху з тоталітарним режимом.

Ціла стаття: http://www.unian.net/ukr/news/news-320233.html

Янукович зробив крок назустріч своїй політичній катастрофі TOP
http://www.unian.net/ukr/news/news-320494.html
11.06.2009 


Віктор Небоженко, політолог
До політичного невдахи Віктора Ющенка приєднується ще один Віктор... Після поразки на президентських виборах ПР шукатиме заміну Януковичу... Зараз найкращий час для укладення договору між ПР і БЮТ...

[...]

А рішення Віктора Януковича відмовитися від процесу переговорів означає, з одного боку, велику політичну помилку, оскільки він у будь-якому разі програє президентські вибори Юлії Тимошенко і буде змушений знову сідати за стіл переговорів. З іншого ж боку, його вчинок свідчить про те, що він боїться брати на себе тяжку політичну відповідальність за спільний вихід країни із кризи, боїться труднощів на цьому шляху й критики від свого оточення. Отже, домовлятися з ним після виборів буде ще складніше й небезпечніше. Віктор Федорович не виконає зобов’язань перед своїми політичними партнерами, адже політика – це не «російська рулетка», як хоче переконати всіх Янукович, де від одного кроку вирішуються всі проблеми відразу – пан або пропав...

[...]

Ющенко, Янукович
Таким чином, до відвертого політичного невдахи Президента Віктора Ющенка впевнено приєднується ще один Віктор. Лідер Партії регіонів зробив сміливий крок назустріч своїй політичній катастрофі. Незважаючи на різні стартові умови, Янукович програє президентські перегони лідерові БЮТ і буде змушений домовлятися з нею. Тому після його поразки на президентських виборах партійному активу Партії регіонів неважко буде знайти людину на заміну цьому політикові, яка не прийматиме авантюрних рішень на шкоду партії й думатиме не лише серцем, а й ще чимось.

50 Richest Ukrainians TOP
http://www.kyivpost.com/nation/43241
June 19, 2009

By Mark Rachkevych

Auction of elite horses at the exclusive Butenko Stables near Kyiv. At this auction, the mayor of Kyiv Leonid Chernovetskyi bought a horse worth at least $50,000. www.svitske.tv/gallery/495
This is how some politicians survive the economic crisis in the country.


A rising tide lifts all boats. And a sinking one lowers them. Such was the case with Ukraine's 50 richest citizens. Korrespondent magazine, Kyiv Post's Russian-language sister publication, found in its latest survey that the elite club's net worth dropped 75 percent since last year.

The fourth-annual rankings by the news magazine, whose special edition hit newsstands on June 12, are closely watched for what the results say about Ukraine's economy. And this year's results show wealth evaporated like ice cubes on hot pavement in summer.

How mayor Chernovetskyi chose to celebrate Kyiv Day http://kiev.unian.net/ukr/detail/240

Ми знаємо що п.Черновецький має гарні авта в своїй особистій колекції, одні з найдорожчих у світі!
Мерія Києва: Краще Sex Shop на Майдані ніж українську музику та сувеніри!


This year, Korrespondent found that the top 50 combined are worth only $28.9 billion -- roughly $2 billion less than Rinat Akmetov's wealth in 2008 all by himself. This year, Akhmetov again tops the charts, but with only $9.2 billion to his name. Akhmetov, a steel and mining magnate whose System Capital Management conglomerate has branched out into many other industries, is just the highest-profile victim of the global financial crisis and economic downturn.

[...]

заступник голови Київської міськдержадміністрації Євген Червоненко з дружиною Ніною www.svitske.tv/gallery/495
Ukraine's captains of industry still finance political parties and have commanding influence on decisions made by government on all levels. Unlike in Russia, where the wealthiest have lost their "oligarch" status and have been brought to heel by the Kremlin, the clout wielded by the richest in Ukraine is enormous.

[...]

"We have an elite that is separate from citizens. They don't pay attention to civil society interests. Our politicians pursue, at most, a populist policy," said Yevhen Bystrytsky, head of the International Renaissance Foundation in Kyiv, a civil society development organization funded by philanthropist George Soros.

Bystrytsky cited the recently failed talks to form a "broad coalition" between Prime Minister Yulia Tymoshenko's eponymous bloc and the Party of Regions led by ex-Prime Minister Victor Yanukovych. The pair ignored the public and denied people access to information. ...

президент корпорації DIO Олег Дзюбяк www.svitske.tv/gallery/495
But while the same old crowd dominates the new list of the 50 richest, the presence of five newcomers is seen as a welcome sign that wealth is being generated in areas of the economy that were not part of the traditional Soviet heavy-industry structure.

[...]

... Newcomers to Korrespondent's top 50 list include: No. 18, Yevhen Seagul, Agromars, $334 million; No. 28, Ivan Huta, Mriya, $192 million; No. 35, Stepan Ivahiv, Kontinuum, $156 million; No. 38, Volodymyr Zahoriy, Darnitsa, $141 million; and No. 47, Danylo and Mykhailo Korylkevych, Dakor, $87 million.

To crack the list, a net worth of $65 million was needed. The 50th spot is occupied in the 2009 rankings by Oleksandr Derkach. Complete rankings can be found at http://www.kyivpost.com/nation/43169.

Complete article:
http://www.kyivpost.com/nation/43241

Video: Lenin's Legacy in Kyiv TOP

June 11, 2009

Lenin Stands Firm In Kyiv

At least a dozen statues of Vladimir Ilyich Lenin remain standing in the Ukrainian capital, Kyiv. Some residents see them as simple historical monuments; others have tried to take down the statues with their own hands. But as disputes continue at the municipal and national levels, Lenin isn't likely to disappear from the city any time soon.



Insulting for Ukrainians ad appeared TOP
http://mignews.com.ua/en/articles/352959.html
18.05.2009
MIGnews.com.ua

Advertising panels "Ya -- XoXoL" ("I am khokhol (nickname - from [the] custom of shaving the [male] head except for a single tuft of hair" editor.) have appeared in Kremenchug. Developers consider the advertisement a humorous one, but citizens consider it insulting, the Segodnya newspaper reports.

"Local Cossacks ordered [an] advertisement. We insulted nobody, because 'XoXoL"' is [meant] as 'XXL' that means big", one of the advertisement developers Sergey Captan explains. "We emphasize our country is big. But some people even imputed us 'the Kremlin's trace'. We ordered the ad to revive traditions of patriotism. The Cossacks elite were called khokhols earlier", chief ataman of Poltava Region Alexei Zheltobryukh claims.

However, The Shevchenko Ukrainian language society, the Union of Intelligence of Kremenchug and For Ukraine intend to bring an action. Valery Zahrebelny from the Union of Intelligence of Kremenchug claimed: "It was written as follows: 'I am Khokhol. Ukrainians are the most hospitable nation'. They say it is written also Ukrainian girls are the most beautiful. Do they want to sell them into slavery?! We are against this ad in Ukraine because khokhol is an insult of the whole nation".

http://mignews.com.ua/en/articles/352959.html

Ban on Ukraine casinos overturned TOP
http://www.reuters.com/article/worldNews/idUSTRE55451I20090605
Fri Jun 5, 2009

Ukraine leader overturns ban on Ukraine casinos

KYIV (Reuters) - Ukrainian President Viktor Yushchenko Friday vetoed a law shutting down casinos and gaming parlors approved rapidly by parliament after a fire last month destroyed a hall filled with slot machines.

"This law is populist and badly drafted. It will lead to the loss of 2,000 jobs," the president's office said in a statement. "In conditions of a world financial crisis, the president cannot go along with it."

The statement described the ban as unconstitutional and said it would "sharply increase the number of illegal gaming institutions."

Parliament slapped the blanket ban on gambling institutions within days of the fire which killed 10 people in central Ukraine. Officials said the hall's owners had failed to observe fundamental safety regulations.

The bill sparked protests by casino employees, who said it would put more than 200,000 people out of work in a legitimate industry and force gambling institutions underground.

Gambling halls, many of them small and dingy have sprung up in Ukraine and other former Soviet states in the years following the 1991 collapse of communism.

The law bars a variety of institutions, including casinos, halls with slot machines, bookmaking shops and internet gambling.

The president asked the chamber to suspend rather than ban gambling institutions pending passage of new legislation governing their activity.

He submitted to parliament a series of proposed amendments to the bill which would enable it to take effect if the chamber approves it by a simple majority.

First online Global Museum on Communism TOP
Visit the museum by clicking on the web address http://www.globalmuseumoncommunism.org.

For more information, please call (202) 536-2373 or send an email to vocmemorial@aol.com.

The Victims of Communism Memorial Foundation
1521 Sixteenth Street NW, Washington, DC 20036
http://www.victimsofcommunism.org

Міжнародний Форум Підприємців та Професіоналів Діаспори
TOP

Міжнародний Форум Підприємців та Професіоналів Діаспори “Українська ділова діаспора - обличчям до України”

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Микола Меґец, професор
кафедри економіки Гемлін
Університету, Міннесота
Державна політика України щодо залучення своєї діаспори до розбудови малого та середнього бізнесу характеризується як непослідовна та суперечлива. Та не секрет, що залучення еміґрантів до інвестиційної діяльності та розвитку малого i середнього підприємництва в Українi у майбутньому може відіграти важливу роль у розвитку економіки України. З проханням обговорити цю теми на сторінках газети ми звернулись до Миколи Меґеца, Заступника Голови Всеамериканського Громадського Об'єднання “Нова Українська Хвиля” та спеціаліста з питань Міжнародного Менеджементу та Глобальних Стратеґій на кафедрі економіки при Гемлін Університеті у Міннесоті.

Нашим читачам буде цікаво довідатись, як виникла ідея провести Міжнародний Форум Підприємців та Професіоналів Діаспори?

Aктивізація та згуртування ділових людей діаспори є важливим та необхідним кроком на шляху залучення діаспори до інвестиційних проектів України. Якщо подивитись на офіційну Американську статистику,  то лише за період з 1991 до 2005 року з України до США виїхало на постійне місце проживання більше як 150 тисяч людей. Якщо додати сюди ще й тих, хто приїхав в Америку на навчання чи скористався з різних обмінних програм або гостьових запрошень і залишився проживати та працює тут, то ця цифра легко може подвоїтись. Тому ми сміло говоримо про кілька сотень тисяч молодих високо освідчених людей, які сьогодні активно працюють не лише на американську економіку, але й, шляхом масового пересилання в Україну грошей, сприяють активному вливанню іноземного капіталу в розбудову України. Подібна ситуація з нашою молодою діаспорою сьогодні існує в Італії, Іспанії, Португалії та в багатьох інших високо розвинених країнах Заходу. Якщо розглядати це питання під економічним кутом, то за оцінкою фахівців Інституту демографії та соціальних досліджень НАН України в Україну від емігрантів 4-ої Хвилі щорічно надходить від 2,5 до 3,5 млрд. дол. Тоді як згідно даних Держкомстату України, загальні Прямі Іноземні Інвестиції в Україну в 2008 році склали 6.2 млрд. дол., a інвестиційна частка Американських корпорацій за цей період становить лише 1.4 млрд. дол.  Тож, як видно, поступлення в бюджет України від «заробітрчан» 4-ої Хвилі більш ніж вагомі, і з цим явищем слід рахуватись.

З іншого боку, часто можна чути закиди про те, що четверта хвиля еміґрації мало активна в українській громаді і ніде її не видно. Та, якщо подивитись на це питання об'єктивно, то сьогодні новоприбулі не лише стали деригентами церковних хорів, керівниками громадських організацій та менеджерами кредитових спілок і очолюють відділи УККА, але й створили тисячі приватних підприємств, заснували десятки нових часописів, радіо та телевізійних програм в різних частинах Америки і в інших державах світу, куди за останніх 18-20 років роз'їхалась кілька мілліона армія наших земляків. Підтвердженням сказаного може бути і факт, з яким, я мав нагоду зустрітись нещодавно, взявши до рук одну з україномовних газет Чикаго, де з її 71-ої сторінки друку, близько 60 сторінок - реклама, як окремих висококваліфікованих спеціалістів, так і активно діючих підприємств заснованих новоприбулими. Але відкритим залишається питання, чи спілкуються ці люди і фірми між собою?

Саме тому і визріла ідея, зібрати представників ділової української діаспори Америки, Канади та Європи i обговорити питання співпраці та виробити спільну стратегію нашої участі в процесах політико-господарської діяльності України.

Чи проводилисьраніше подібні заходи?

Це є наш перший проект такого плану, котрий за задумами орґанізаторів «Нової Української Хвилі» має перерости у постійно діючі щорічні форуми Підприємців та Професіоналів i, котрі, як ми надіємось, збиратимуть кожен рік все більше нових учасників. В Америці є гарна традиція спілкування через різноманітнi семінари і форуми людей споріднених за родом занять чи захоплень. Ми ж плануємо зібрати разом не лише бізнесменів, але і людей інших професій, котрі своїми знаннями та інтелектом поповнюють національну гідність Сполучених Штатів Америки. Сьогодні Україна дала Америці сотні лікарів, науковців, підприємців, тисячі інженерів та спеціалістів високої кваліфікації. Нас часто запитують “А чи знаєте ви скільки серед емігантів 4-ої Хвилі є лікарів, адвокатів, вчителів і інших спеціалістів?” Ні, на жаль, такої інформації нема в нікого, але впевнений, що якби у когось і була така інформація, то вартувала б вона великі гроші. Та варто лише подивитись навкруги і задуматись над тим, ким є наші знайомі. І кожен без проблем назве 2-3 лікарів, 4-5 адвакатів і так далі. Хоч у відповідь може й прозчвучати, та вони ж “росіяни”. Та той фак, що деякі вихідці з України спілкуються російською, не може служити причиною незалучення їх до українського громадськогo життя. Жаль, що ми дійсно не знаємо всіх наших здібних і талановитих земляків вихідців з України. Тому наша організація, сьогодні  поставила собі за мету, зібрати максимальну кількість інформації про успішних людей Америки, і за результатами Форуму випустити каталог за зразком “Хто є Хто серед Української Ділової Діаспори”.   

У питаннi діалогу важливе значення має досвід працюючих сьогодні в Україні американських підприємців. Чи відчуваєте зацікавлення Форумом з боку великих американських бізнесів чи представників украïнських фірм?

Сьогодні робота над приготуваннями Форуму знаходиться на початковій стадії. Та вже окреслюється певне коло партнерів та спонсорів. До участі у Форумі ми запрошуємо міжнародних експертів з питань інвестицій в Україну, лідерів українських бізнес-підприємств діаспори США, Канади та країн Європи, a також представників Уряду України, та американського бізнесу, а особливо бажаємо бачити на Форумі підприємства, котрі сьогодні успішно працюють в Україні.

З приємністю хочу сказати, що ідея проведення Форуму, знайшла широку підтримку в Українському Посольстві Америки і в його Ґенеральних консульствах. До проекту активно долучилась US-Ukraine Business Council, УККА, Вашингтонська Група, Український Інститут Америки, Center for US-Ukrainian Relations та ряд інших організацій. Варто відзначи їх повну підтримку і сприяння в успішному проведенні цього заходу. Виходячи з цього, що Мета Форуму - знайомство з успішними українськими підприємцями та професіоналами діаспори задля поширення їх досвіду самоутвердження, як у країнах їх проживання, так і в Україні, тому наш головний наголос на представниках 4-ої хвилі еміґрації. Але задля утвердження американсько-української співпраці,  заплановано, що в перший день роботи форуму, у пятницю, перед делегатами зібрання виступлять керівники провідних американських компаній успішно діючиx в Україні. В доповнення до цього хочу сказати, що у Форумі приймуть участь чільні представники Уряду та представники провідних українських корпорацій. На Форум ми запросили  Катерину Ющенко, дружину Президента України. Після нашої зустрічі з п. Катериною у Підсбургу у листопаді 2008 року, де ми знайшли порозуміння щодо ролі та завдання діаспори та її співпраці з Батьківщиною, ми підтримуємо ділові та дружні зв'язки. Думаю, що всім нашим співвітчизникам буде цікаво довідатись про те, чим займається в Америці останніх 18-20 років кращі сини і дочки України. Настав час розвіяти ще один помилковий стереотип про те, що наші емігранти здатні лише на низькокваліфіковану третьосортну роботу.  

Чи  можете сказати, яку корись може мати від Форуму новоіммігрант від участі у цьому зібранні діаспорної  еліти?

Зорґанізування зустрічі успішних представників світової української діаспори для обміну думок та випрацювання єдиної стратегії задля залучення сучасної української ділової спільноти до інвестиційних проектів в Україні, що є головним завданням форуму, відкриває великі можливості для кожного її учасника. Для тих, хто готовий інвестувати - це конкретні проекти і пропозиції. Для тих, хто прагне стати успішним - це школа успіху. Та коли, ви вже торкнулись питання, яке можна  перефразувати «що я з того буду мати», то мушу сказати, що успішним стає тільки  той, хто вміє віддавати. І тут, я не знаю кращої відповіді, як словами Президента Джона Кенеді: “Не питай, що Америка зробить для тебе, а скажи що ти зробиш для Америки”.

Зiбравшись разом в одному з найбільш престижних бізнес-центрів світу, ми, успішні  представники четвертої хвилі разом шукатимемо відповідді на питання, котрі ставить перед нами сучасна історія української діаспори.

Наші учасники впродовж двох днів зможуть приймати участь в пленарних засіданнях, дискусіях у секціях, відвідати виставки та подивитись презентації окремих фірм. Ми пропонуємо делегатам досить практичну і активну програму. Буде проведено засідання окремих круглих столів/секцій за професійними темами, котрі найбільше стосуються бізнесової та професійної діяльності нашої еміграції:

1. Будівництво і нерухомість
2. Шкільництво і вища освіта
3. Політекономія та суспільні науки
4. Сільське господарство та відновлювальна енергетика
5. Видавнича справа та засоби інформації
6. Юриспруденція та Іміграційні питання
7. Медицина

Для тих, хто ще не почав свою справу, але має серйозний намір добитись успіху в Америці ми запропонуємо секцію під назвою: Як заробити свій 1-й мілліон?

Для студентів також буде передбачено окрема Студентська секція, де наші молоді люди зможуть поділитись і своїми досягненнями, а можливо й запізнати свого першого працедавця.

Ми переконані, що спеціалістам з галузі будівництва і нерухомості, чи видавцям різноманітних газет і журналів Чикаго і Нью Йорку, буде цікаво зустрітись зі своїми колегами по фаху, котрі успішно працюють в Маямі, Сан-Франциско чи інших містах Америки, Канади, а також у країнах Європи.

Робота Форуму завершиться концертною програмою, за участю митців-професіоналів високого рівня. Серед нас є Народні та Заслужені артисти України, оперні та естрадні співаки. І всі ми разом є невідємною частиною великої світової української діаспори, яка творить образ України у світі і її славу.

Ви заявили про проведення Форуму в Мангеттені у дуже престижному готелі. Чи не простіше і дешевше було би провести Форум у якомусь украïнському народному домі в околицях Нью Йорку?

Дійсно, Міжнародний Форум Підприємців та Професіоналів Діаспори, котрий віідбуветься в суботу 26 вересня, заплановано провести в Нью Йорку в готелі Sheraton Manhattan at Times Square. Передбачається, що у ньому візьме участь приблизно 250-300 учасників. На жаль, українська громада у Нью-Йорку не має залу, де можна було б  помістити таку кількість людей. Вибираючи це престижне місце, ми хочемо підкреслити і значимість даного заходу При виборі готелю, ми також посилались і на досвід наших старших попередників зі значно більшим еміграційним досвідом, коли їх подібні заходи відбувались у місцях, що відповідали рівню такого заходу.

Проведення такого важливого заходу вартує уваги всієї діаспори. Чи відчувате пiдтримку інших українських організацій у здійсненни цього проекту?

Ми запросили до співпраці з нами досить поважних і престижних партнерів, і постійно прислухаємось до їх думок та пропозицій. Для прикладу ми звернулись до УККА посприяти участі у Форумі американських сенаторів і конгресменів. US-Ukraine Business Council допомагає нам з відбором американських корпорацій, котрі успішно інвестують в Україну. А Українське Посольство забезпечить приїзд на Форум представників українського Уряду та українських Корпорацій.

Чи уже маєте більше-менш детальний розклад Форуму?

Звичайно, план Форуму сформовано вже на 90 відсотків. А зміни і доповнення в сторону його покращення та з врахуванням ситуації, котра буде виникати в час приготувань, будуть вноситись постійно. В наступних декілька днів буде завершено веб-сторінку Форуму, де можна буде довідатись про детальний план зустрічі, а також подати свою заявку на участь. Також плануємо на далі активно звертатись до світової україномовної преси для виспвітлення питань пов'язаних з роботою по приготуванню Форуму. Буду радий відповісти на додаткові запитання Ваших читачів. Посилайте свої запитання електронною поштою на адресу nmegits01@hamline.edu або телефонуйте на число 612-761-2277.

Від імені Координаційної Ради «Нової Української Хвилі» запрошуємо Ваших читачів до співпраці. Більше про діяльність «Нової Української Хвилі» можна довідатись з нашої інтернет сторінки www.newwave4.org

Фестиваль галушки у Полтаві - свято “шароварщини”? TOP
http://www.bbc.co.uk/ukrainian/entertainment/story/2009/06/090608_poltava_halushka_oh.shtml
Бі-Бі-Сі

Олександр Гриб

Танцювальний колектив Полтавської школи мистецтв виконує танець з галушками на Святі галушки в Полтаві. Фото з архіву УНІАН

Будь-який житель України на прізвище Галушко може безкоштовно поїсти в будь-якому ресторані або кафе Полтави.

Це пообіцяв мер Полтави Андрій Матковський під час свята української галушки в місті.

«Кризу потрібно зустрічати хорошим апетитом, а проводжати – з Полтавськими галушками», - заявив мер.

Упродовж вихідних у Полтаві можна було поласувати традиційною українською їжею - галушками з м'ясом, сиром, сметаною, печінкою, картоплею зі шкварками, з різними спеціями.

У ході свята гостей розважали костюмовані герої, а всі охочі фотографувалися з переодягнутими персонажами часів Полтавської битви. Творчі колективи міського Будинку культури й Малої академії мистецтв представили концертну програму, конкурси й розваги.

1 квітня 2006 року в Полтаві було відкрито пам'ятник галушці

На організацію цього свята з бюджету не виділяли коштів - все за рахунок спонсорів.

Як повідомлялося, галушка стала офіційним символом Полтави, а пам'ятний знак галушці офіційно внесено до символіки міста.

Таке рішення 11 грудня 2008 року ухвалили депутати міськради. 1 квітня 2006 року в Полтаві було відкрито пам'ятник галушці. Він розташований біля музею Івана Котляревського. Пам'ятник являє собою велику глибоку тарілку з 12 галушками й ложкою.

У Полтаві щорічно проходять свята галушки, а також виставки «Історія полтавської галушки». У травні 2008 року 19-річний студент-третьокурсник Полтавського кооперативного університету споживчої кооперації Геннадій Чіпко встановив рекорд Гіннессу за швидкістю поїдання галушок - він з'їв порцію з 12 галушок за 52,3 секунди.

Пам'ятники, яких немає у Полтаві

Полтава привертала увагу останнім часом суперечками довкола монументу Іванові Мазепі, який ухвалила відкрити в місті обласна адміністрація і не дозволяла міська влада.

У місті, де народився Симон Петлюра – немає монументу одному із засновників Української Народної Республіки, який став символом незалежної України першої половини 20-го століття.

У Полтаві немає пам’ятника жертв Голодомору, хоча область постраждала дуже сильно у 1932-33 роках.

У Полтаві немає монументу народженому на Полтавщині Кирилу Осьмаку - президенту Української Головної Визвольної Ради створеної у 1944 році, як незалежного уряду України.

Радянська влада зводила вияви українського місцевого патріотизму до стереотипного національного одягу, "народних" танців і пісень, які стали відомі як офіційна українська радянська "шароварщина".

Заробітчанство українців в Італії на жіночих плечах TOP
http://www.bbc.co.uk/ukrainian/entertainment/story/2009/06/090602_zarobitchany_italy_oh.shtml

Наталія Ґаттуччо
для Бі-Бі-Сі, Рим

Нинішню еміграцію в Італії більшою мірою представляє українське жіноцтво.

Українці в Італії

Роки заробітчанства вже сягли десятиліття і повернення на батьківщину, навіть попри економічну кризу, все ще відкладається. На запитання «Чому?», відповідь одна: відсутність в Україні перспектив самореалізації та гідної зарплати.

Країна сонця, лагідного моря і відпусток. Уславлений край європейської культури та середземноморської кухні, музей над музеями називають Італію у світі. Однак вихідці з України, які прибули сюди протягом останніх 10 років, асоціюють Італію ще й іншим, а це важка принизлива праця, безсонні ночі і заплакані очі.

«Що для мене Італія? Не можна сказати, що тут погано. Для нас усіх і для мене особисто Італія – це фінансова підтримка, для мене і моїх дітей», — говорить 49-річна львів’янка пані Марія.

"Я мама двох дітей, яких залишила в Україні і за них мені серце дуже болить. Шкода, коли знаєш, що діти далеко від тебе, ти їх бачиш раз на рік..... то не є легко для нас (плаче). Залишила їх маленькими, бо біда примусила. Я з великим задоволенням поїхала б на Україну і завтра. Але я приїду туди і що там робитиму?"

Марія, 49 років

Ми спілкувалися з нею у греко-католицькому храмі Святої Софії, що на околиці Рима. Пані Марія, як більшість її землячок, вперше потрапила на Апенніни за туристичною візою.

Не зважаючи на труднощі і погіршення здоров’я, вона продовжує наймитувати у родинах італійських пенсіонерів вже 12-й рік.

«Я мама двох дітей, яких залишила в Україні і за них мені серце дуже болить, — бідкається заробітчанка. — Шкода, коли знаєш, що діти далеко від тебе, ти їх бачиш раз на рік..... то не є легко для нас (плаче). Залишила їх маленькими, бо біда примусила. Я з великим задоволенням поїхала б на Україну і завтра. Але я приїду туди і що там робитиму?»

В Італії, для таких, як Марія, праці не бракує. За умов світової економічної скрути українці не поспішають покидати Апенніни.

Місцеві організації, які займаються питаннями імміграції, ще вивчають, наскільки серйозно позначилася криза на становищі іноземців. Тим часом автор статистичного досьє «Карітас Міґрантес» Антоніо Річчі зауважив:

"Щодо українських працівниць в Італії, то фінансова криза найменше впливає на сектор їхньої зайнятості, а це передусім, персональний догляд за хворими чи літніми людьми. По-перше, кількість робочих місць у цій галузі збільшуватиметься. По-друге, роботодавцями виступають самі пенсіонери, а вони регулярно отримують пенсії, тобто платоспроможні перед найманими працівниками, а це важливий фактор гарантії і стабільності."

Антоніо Річі

«Щодо українських працівниць в Італії, то фінансова криза найменше впливає на сектор їхньої зайнятості, а це передусім, персональний догляд за хворими чи літніми людьми. По-перше, кількість робочих місць у цій галузі збільшуватиметься. По-друге, роботодавцями виступають самі пенсіонери, а вони регулярно отримують пенсії, тобто платоспроможні перед найманими працівниками, а це важливий фактор гарантії і стабільності».

Із середини 90-х років чисельні громади українців сформувалися практично у всіх великих містах на Апеннінах, а саме в Римі, Неаполі, Мілані, Болоньї і Венеції. За даними Міністерства внутрішніх справ Італії, на початок року законно в країні перебувають близько 130 тисяч громадян України. Водночас, згідно з інформацією Посольства України в Римі, нелегалів налічується понад 400 тисяч.

Місячний заробіток трудових мігрантів на півдні країни сягає 600 євро, а на півночі можна мати і до тисячі. Зі свого заробітку іммігрант, який працює законно, зобов’язаний сплачувати італійській державі соціальні відрахування і податок на дохід.

Яким чином люди шукають роботу? У регіонах великого скупчення українців, існують громадські асоціації або церковні осередки УГКЦ, де часом можна довідатися про вакансії. У місті Палермо на південному острові Сицилія немає ні того, ні іншого.

Багато українок доглядають старших італійців

В неділю сонячного дня я навідалася до Англійського парку, що в центрі Палермо. У вихідний день мешканці міста разом з дітьми приходять сюди на відпочинок. В затінку збираються українки, але їхні настрої зовсім інші. «Це наше «місце зустрічі змінити не можна». Тут ми збираємося, шукаємо тут роботу, — говорить 52-літня вдова пані Анна. — Цей парк – наше бюро працевлаштування. Ось сьогодні у мене є два робочих місця, мені італійці подзвонили. Якщо хтось шукатиме роботу, я їм запропоную. Місцеві рідко сюди приходять, шукають робітниць в основному через когось. На відміну від румунських працівниць українок тут цінують, бо вони чесні, не крадуть, роботящі і терплячі. Часом наші жінки кажуть, що італійці такі-сякі, але забувають, адже ми самі прийшли сюди, нас ніхто не кликав».

Із півдня повертаємося до центральної Італії. Базар Ребібб’я - одне з найпопулярніших українських місць у Римі. Тут вам каси з продажу авіаквитків, магазин з українськими продуктами, окремо біля стіни, відгороджені мотузкою, збираються люди, які шукають роботу. Щонеділі звідси відправляються автобуси з передачами на Україну. Через водіїв передають на батьківщину і гроші, бо банківськими системами грошових переказів MoneyGram або Western Union через дорогі послуги користуються далеко не всі, особливо, коли йдеться про пересилку значної суми.

Мій співрозмовник Михайло Маслов, колишній військовий, продає на Ребібб’ї книжки. Каже, що це для нього просто хоббі, бо тепер чоловік має постійну роботу і про свої перші підробітки лише згадує. Після 10 років Михайло став приватним підприємцем меблевої фірми, живе у Римі разом з родиною.

«Мої діти вже дорослі, дочці 15 і сину 20 років. Менша ще вчиться у ліцеї, а старший навчання закінчив, подолавши багато перешкод, має стабільну роботу в столиці. Діти не хочуть повертатися в Україну, а ми, батьки, я сказав, що ми звідти і ми туди повернемось».

За спостереженнями активістів громади, нині українська спільнота поділена на людей, які прижилися в Італії, тобто формується стала діаспора, і ті, які роками живуть із мрією повернутися додому. Додатковий радник Римської мерії Тетяна Кузик регулярно надає консультації щодо правових імміграційних питань. За її спостереженнями, останнім часом більшість новоприбулих дістаються на Апенніни законним шляхом з робочими контрактами і за візами по об’єднанню сім’ї. Пані Кузик наголосила:

«4-5 років тому я вирішувала проблеми отримання першого дозволу на проживання. Сьогодні люди в основному запитують інформацію щодо поновлення дозволу на проживання, це позитивно. Потребують інформації про отримання довготермінового дозволу на проживання на 5 років і здобуття громадянства. Спостерігається нині справжній феномен для Східної Європи, зокрема України, стосовно великої кількості змішаних шлюбів з італійськими громадянами та громадянами інших країн (ред. в Італії дозволене подвійне громадянство). У нас фізично не вистачає тут чоловіків, 90% української імміграції в Італії становлять жінки, тому за десять років міграції ми маємо дуже великий відсоток змішаних шлюбів».

Українські книжки читають і в Італії

На півострові діють понад півсотні громадських організацій українських трудових мігрантів, 125 церковних осередків Української греко-католицької церкви, яка також надає велику підтримку заробітчанам. Виходить україномовна преса і працюють інтернет-видання. Іммігранти активно створюють осередки української культури, влаштовують спільні подорожі, концерти, різдвяні і великодні святкування.

Активною учасницею таких зібрань стала тернопільчанка Дарина Калиняк, котра випустила книжечку гумористичних оповідок про заробітчанське життя. Пані Дарина живе думкою на старості літ повернутися до рідної оселі, а поки що довгими римськими ночами жінка втілює свої мрії на папері. Вона вже й пісню написала про повернення в Україну:

«Прощай Італіє, прощай! Я повертаюсь в рідний край....»

Senator Paul Yuzyk Award for Multiculturalism presented to The Honourable John Yaremko TOP

http://www.cic.gc.ca/multi/paulyuzyk/index-eng.asp
June 12, 2009


Toronto -- At the inaugural ceremony of the Paul Yuzyk Award for Multiculturalism, the first award was presented to the Honourable John Yaremko.

This award honours an individual or organization that has demonstrated excellence in promoting multiculturalism. Senator Paul Yuzyk was known as the father of Multiculturalism and, in his maiden speech in the Senate in 1964 entitled "Canada, A Multicultural Nation", he pointed out that a third of Canadians were neither French nor English nor Aboriginal but are, in fact, ethnic groups and that this made Canada a multicultural nation. Senator Yuzyk went on to serve in the senate for 23 years. In 1971, a policy of Multiculturalism was announced by the government of Pierre Elliott Trudeau.

John Yaremko was the first Ukrainian Canadian elected to the Ontario Legislature in 1951 where he served as a distinguished member until 1975. While in the Legislature, he advocated for human rights and multiculturalism. He was appointed to the Cabinet in 1958 and was Ontario's first Minister of Citizenship (1961) and the province's first Solicitor General (1972-1974).

He and his late wife, Myrsolava, made many philanthropic gifts which reflect their wide range of interests. In 2002, the John and Mary Yaremko Program on Multiculturalism and Human Rights was established at the Faculty of Law of the University of Toronto with an endowment of $600,000. The program supports an annual forum that brings scholars and teachers to the Law School to engage the community in vital discussion about the core concepts underlying our sense of ourselves as Canadians: pluralism, multiculturalism, and inclusion. In 2008, Mr. Yaremko pledged $50,000 to the John Robarts Library at the University of Toronto to preserve and make broadly accessible retrospective library materials relating to Ukrainian history, literature, language and culture through digitization.

The award was presented to the Honourable John Yaremko by the Honourable Jason Kenney, Minister of Citizenship, Immigration and Multiculturalism on Friday, June 12 at Roy Thompson Hall.

As Ukrainians, it is prudent for us to celebrate not only the award but also the fact that the inaugural award was given to a distinguished and deserving Ukrainian Canadian.

Good News for "Reporters of Hope" TOP

Ukrainian Catholic University Honors Virtuous Journalists

Taras Antoshevskyy

 News tends to focus on the negative, according to organizers of the Reporters of Hope contest. Ukrainian journalists who wrote about uplifting topics -- such as religious outreach to Ukraine's mentally retarded, shown here -- were honored for their efforts.


Lviv -- Ukrainian journalists who uplift their readers were honored as "Reporters of Hope" at a ceremony held at the Ukrainian Catholic University (UCU) on May 27. The goal of the contest, organized by UCU's Institute of Ecumenical Studies, was to honor journalists who show life's difficulties but also present solutions. Nine authors were honored in three media categories: television, radio, and publications in the press or Internet. A total of 714 entries were considered, from all regions of Ukraine. The themes were varied: ecology, health, politics, economics, culture, society, and religion.

The Ukrainian competition followed a precedent set in France

"The 'Reporters of Hope' competition was inspired by a similar project of the 'Reporters d'Espoirs' association," explained Dr. Antoine Arjakovsky, director of the institute. The French association, which supported the competition in Ukraine, has been similarly honoring journalists in France for the past five years.

"In Ukraine this was a nation-wide contest for journalists who bring hope to people, conquering the atmosphere of despair, powerlessness, and apathy [that prevails in the 'If It Bleeds, It Leads' school of journalism]," continued Dr. Arjakovsky. "Each of us knows that in daily life there are a number of victories, invisible or unnoticed by the general public -- victories which are, unfortunately, not covered in the news. So the goal of this contest is to encourage journalists to cover the good news.

"The slogan that the French 'Reporters of Hope' chose is: "It's easier to show a forest that's burning, but more truly important is a forest that's growing." So a real journalist is a person who sheds light on all the good initiatives that no one ever talks about. People think that this happens naturally, but, really, the world is moving forward and developing thanks to open, positive, dynamic, hopeful initiatives," said Dr. Arjakovsky.

The winners in the television category included Khrystyna Stets of Liuks TV-radio in Lviv, who won first place for her stories about children with Down's syndrome. The author tried to convince the viewer that the condition is not a condemnation but only 'a difference' with which one can live, enjoy life, and bring joy to others.

"The gift of adoption," by Yevhen Klimakin of Radio Emmanuel in Kyiv, won second place in the radio category. "Orphans are not abandoned by God," Mr. Klimakin said. His story showed how children are blessed with new parents as God answers their prayers.
Halyna Svitlikovska, of the newspaper Volyn in the city of Lutsk, won first prize in the category "publications in the press or Internet" for her article "What to do: Complain about difficulties or roll up your sleeves?"

"For the majority, the very word 'crisis' sets you up to expect the worst," wrote Ms. Svitlikovska. "It paralyzes activity and the desire to find solutions to difficult circumstances. I once read about a poor Frenchman who moved to the U.S. during the Great Depression. There he established a flourishing wine business and made a great profit. When they eventually asked him how he managed to become wealthy under the conditions of a world economic crisis, he replied: 'I understood English so poorly that I couldn't read the newspapers, and so I didn't know anything about the crisis.' "

Ms. Svitlikovska, among others, told the story of 78-year-old Ivan Boiarchuk, who became wheelchair-bound at the age of 31. "And then soon after that his wife died and he was left with two pre-school age children to feed, clothe, and raise," she wrote. "He had to think how to provide for his family."

He tried work that he could do at home. He also tried to be a taxi-driver, though he didn't go to popular spots because he didn't want to anger other taxi-drivers as a competitor, "so he was glad when some passenger came along. And he exercised to keep in shape," Ms. Svitlikovska wrote. "I didn't receive any help," said Mr. Boiarchuk. "The children didn't grow up in luxury. They had responsibilities from a young age. But I didn't have trouble with them. They studied, now they work. My daughter is a university professor and my son is in the army," he recounted. "For 47 years now he has lived in a state of personal, serious crisis, but he has come out of it a victor," Ms. Svitlikovska summed up.

All nine of the winners received certificates of participation, but the authors who won first place in each category received a cash prize of 4000 hryvnias.

"It is desirable that people turn their attention to their neighbor not only when he appears on the covers of newspapers or magazines, or when he is shown on the news," said Vakhtang Kipiani, one of the judges. "In fact, there are many issues and problems worthy of serious attention, and there are also many strong, though not famous people close to us. It is important to give them attention not only when a contest like this is being conducted."

Further information about UCU (in English and Ukrainian) is available on the university's website at www.ucu.edu.ua. Readers may also contact the Ukrainian Catholic Education Foundation, which is the largest supporter of UCU's annual operating budget. One of the effects of this assistance is to provide scholarships to worthy students, allowing them to get an excellent education that they otherwise might not be able to afford. And the UCEF is operating at an outstanding level of efficiency. Of every dollar the UCEF spends, more than 84 cents goes to its charitable programs, ranking the UCEF among the most efficient and effective charities in the nation. The UCEF may be contacted in writing at 2247 W. Chicago Ave., Chicago, IL 60622; by phoning 773-235-8462; e-mailing ucef@ucef.org; or browsing its website, www.ucef.org. The phone number of the UCEF in Canada is (416) 239-2495.

Ukrainian teen wins Tony Award TOP

June 10, 2009

Atanas Kobryn

Kiril Kulish, together with David Alvarez and Trent Kowalik, made history at last Sunday's 63rd annual Tony Awards. The three teenage boys who rotate in the title role of "Billy Elliot" jointly won the award for Best Actor in a Musical. "Billy Elliot" proved to be the commercial and critical musical hit of the 2008-09 season, grossing more than $1 million a week in spite of the recession. The boys -- after a long pause as if trying to decide who should speak first -- thanked their parents, siblings and school and dance teachers. "Kids out there who might want to dance, never give up!" Kulish said.

http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=HnfHqqvRFyM
http://www.zimbio.com/pictures/K96YxUdYjUA/63rd+Annual+Tony+Awards+Press+Room
/jWdWJAzEZ9-/Kiril+Kulish

Ukrainian Catholic Church of Canada accepted into the Canadian Council of Churches TOP
May 29, 2009

Ottawa -- The Governing Board of Officers of the Canadian Council of Churches met recently at Saint Paul University. The acceptance of the new Denominational Member of the Canadian Council of Churches -- the Ukrainian Catholic Church of Canada -- was moved by Archbishop Yurij of the Ukrainian Orthodox Church and seconded by Bishop Ron Fabbro of the Canadian Conference of Catholic Bishops. It was adopted unanimously in accordance with the CCC Constitution.

On the same day, Fr. John Jillions (OCA) of the Metropolitan Andrey Sheptytsky Institute of Eastern Christian Studies was elected as one of the three Vice - Presidents of the Council. Fr. John, a professor of the Faculty of Theology at Saint Paul University, had been promoted to associate professor with tenure just a few days before the CCC meeting.

The Canadian Council of Churches is the largest ecumenical body in Canada, now representing 21 churches of Anglican, Evangelical, Eastern and Oriental Orthodox, Protestant and Roman and Eastern Catholic traditions. It is one of the few ecumenical bodies in the world that includes such a range of Christian churches. The officers and staff of the Council are drawn from the whole diversity of traditions represented by the member churches.

Sheptytsky Institute's LOGOS Journal available online TOP
May 26-27, 2009

Ottawa --The Metropolitan Andrey Sheptytsky Institute of Eastern Christian Studies, member of the Canadian Association of Learned Journals (CALJ) participated in the 2009 Congress of the Humanities and Sciences hosted by Carleton University. As publisher of LOGOS -- A Journal of Eastern Christian Studies, the Institute is continuing its dialogue with other members of CALJ to embrace the ever-changing milieu of digital communications to make LOGOS as accessible as possible throughout the entire world.

Electronic versions of a number of academic publications are already available on-line. But this remains a relatively new trend that requires a significant amount of preparation in order to meet copyright requirements and other specifications.

Please let us know if you would be interested in subscribing to the electronic version of LOGOS on-line.

The Congress of the Humanities and Social Sciences is the largest multidisciplinary academic gathering in Canada, attracting delegates from every corner of Canada and around the world. Steeped in over 75 years of tradition, Congress is a gathering of researchers, scholars and students in the humanities and social sciences, leading public intellectuals, authors, artists and many more

(http://fedcan.virtuo.ca/index.php?action=artikel&lang=en&id=38) .

The Canadian Association of Learned Journals is a member of the Canadian Federation for the Humanities and Social Sciences.

Communications Office
The Metropolitan Andrey Sheptytsky Institute of Eastern Christian Studies,
Saint Paul University
613. 236-1393 ext. 2651

pboyko@ustpaul.ca

Eastern Orthodox Church in Ukraine rent by divisions TOP
http://www.gosanangelo.com/news/2009/jun/06/eastern-orthodox-church-in-ukraine-rent-by/

KYIV, Ukraine -- Merely saying the forest's name -- Bykivnya -- can cause strong emotions for millions of Ukrainians.

This is where the secret police of Soviet strongman Joseph Stalin buried 100,000 of their victims between 1937 and 1941 in a mass grave northeast of Kyiv. President Victor Yushchenko did not mince words during his recent speech there, on Ukraine’s Day of Remembrance for Victims of Political Repression.

"Here, at Bykivnya, Stalin and his monstrous hangmen killed the bloom of Ukraine. There is no forgiveness and there will be none," he told several thousand mourners and, of course, Ukrainian journalists.

The mourners wept, while processing through the site behind Orthodox clergy who carried liturgical banners containing iconic images of Jesus and Mary.

"Because of the national symbolism of this ceremony, the priests there may not be important," said Victor Yelensky, a sociologist of religion associated with the Ukrainian National Academy of Sciences.

"But the priests have to be there because this is Ukraine and this is a ceremony that is about a great tragedy in the history of Ukraine."

This is where the story gets complicated. In the Ukrainian media, photographs and video images showed the clergy, with their dramatic banners and colorful vestments. However, in their reporting, journalists never mentioned what the clergy said or did.

Mainstream media reports also failed to mention which Orthodoxy body or bodies were represented. This is an important gap, because of the tense and complicated nature of the religious marketplace in this historically Eastern Orthodox culture.

It would have been big news, for example, if clergy from the giant Ukrainian Orthodox Church (Moscow Patriarchate) -- with direct ties to Moscow -- had taken part in a ceremony that featured Yushchenko, who, as usual, aimed angry words to the north.

But what if the clergy were exclusively from the Ukrainian Orthodox Church (Kyiv Patriarchate), born after the Soviet Union's collapse in 1991 and linked to declarations of Ukrainian independence? What if there were also clergy from a third body, the Ukrainian Autocephalous Orthodox Church, born early in the 20th century?

A rite featuring clergy from one or both of these newer churches also would have been symbolic. After all, these days almost anything can create tensions between Ukraine and Russia, from natural gas prices to efforts to emphasize the Ukrainian language, from exhibits of uniquely Ukrainian art to decisions about which statues are torn down (almost anything Soviet) or which statues are erected (such as one of Ivan Mazepa, labeled a traitor by Russia after his 18th century efforts to boost Ukrainian independence).

But it's hard for Ukrainian journalists to ask these kinds of questions and print what they learn when people answer them, according to a circle of journalists -- secular and religious -- at a Kyiv forum last week focusing on trends in religion news in their nation. I was one of the speakers, along with another colleague from the Oxford Centre for Religion & Public Life.

As in America, Ukrainian journalists often assume that politics is the only faith that matters in life. The journalists in Kyiv also said that they struggle to escape Soviet-era rules stating that religion was bad, irrelevant or, at best, merely private.

This blind spot is unfortunate, because Ukrainian journalists may have missed a crucial piece of the Bykivnya story, said Yelensky. It’s hard to understand the soul of Ukraine without grasping the power of religion.

[...] For many Orthodox people in western Ukraine, it is simply unacceptable to live in any way under the leadership of the Moscow Patriarchate. At the same time, for many Orthodox in eastern Ukraine, it is simply unacceptable to not to be associated and in communion with the Moscow Patriarchate. In the middle are places like Kyiv. ...

[...] This is a division that is inside Ukrainian society. Is it based on religion? No. Is religion right there in the heart of it? Yes. ...

Terry Mattingly directs the Washington Journalism Center at the Council for Christian Colleges and Universities. Contact him at tmattingly@cccu.org or tmatt.net.

History of the Latter Day Saints Church in Ukraine TOP
http://mormontimes.com/around_church/worldwide_church/?id=8154
LDS Church Newsroom
Saturday, Jun. 06, 2009

Elder Boyd K. Packer dedicated Ukraine for the preaching of the gospel from the statue of Prince Vladimir in Kyiv. Photo: LDS Church

In June 1991, President Howard L. Biddulph of the Austria Vienna East Mission of the LDS Church visited Kyiv with his wife, Colleen. During that month, Ukraine's first official congregation of some 40 members was organized. At that time, 10 Mormon missionaries served in the country under the direction of the Finland Helsinki Mission.

In September 1991, Elders Boyd K. Packer and Dallin H. Oaks of the Quorum of the Twelve Apostles visited members in Ukraine and dedicated it for the preaching of the gospel. Five months later, missionary headquarters for the country were created in Kyiv with President Biddulph presiding. The 35 missionaries were called to serve a country of nearly 52 million people. In July 1993 an additional mission was organized in Ukraine, headquartered in Donetsk.

In addition to spiritual assistance, The Church of Jesus Christ of Latter-day Saints has also provided temporal assistance in the country. Mormons in Germany and the United States shipped thousands of pounds of food and clothing to members and those of other faiths in 1991, 1992 and 1993. In 1995, the church shipped six tons of medical supplies to aid the Kyiv Institute of Cardiovascular Surgery.

A historical announcement was made in July 1998 regarding the building of a temple in Kyiv, Ukraine, the first LDS temple in Eastern Europe. The temple is under construction. Then in September 2001 the first two meetinghouses built by the church in the Ukraine Kyiv Mission were dedicated. Today there are over 10,000 members in Ukraine.

In Ukraine, a Catholic university offers a way forward for a tired Western Church
From: Matthew A. Rarey <rarey@ucef.org>
TOP
http://blogs.telegraph.co.uk/damian_thompson/blog/2009/06/06/in_ukraine_a_catholic_
university_offers_a_way_forward_for_a_tired_western_church

Posted By: Damian Thompson at Jun 6, 2009

You probably haven't heard of the Ukrainian Catholic University - but I suspect that is going to change. For this wonderful institution offers a philosophy of teaching in radical contrast to the moribund model of Catholic further education found in this country and much of the West.

"You must look into this place," my (Anglican) friend Edward Lucas, author and Eastern Europe correspondent of The Economist, told me. "It's quite amazing." And it is. This university, run on a shoestring, teaches not only the liberal arts and trains Eastern-rite Catholic priests, but also places a community of mentally and physically handicapped people at the centre of its spiritual and social life.

Now that is what I call a Catholic ethos. The Centre for Spiritual Support of the Handicapped, run in conjunction with L'Arche, works on the premise that working with the disabled is part of a theological education. As Fr Boris Gudziak, Rector of UCU, told me when I interviewed him recently: "We recognise that the handicapped have gifts to bring us. Our university is a place where we drop facades, the images of ourselves that the world wants us to construct, and strive towards a powerful sacrificial love."

Fr Gudziak adds: "We are a very young Church." Meaning that the Ukrainian Catholic is young in the sense that it has only recently become free? No - that is not what he means.

"The Catholic Church is young," he says. "There's an assumption in some western quarters that today's Church is old. But it won't look that way to a historian in 35,000 years, looking back and saying - ah, the Church was still only at the end of its first 2,000 years."

The website of UCU (www.ucu.edu.ua/eng/about/) will tell you what Fr Gudziak means when he talks about a "holistic" education - and it couldn't be further from the wet nonsense dressed up as Catholicism in English colleges where the chapel is given over to a celebration of Mohammed's birthday. That outrage happened at Newman University College, Birmingham; but if you want a glimpse of how Cardinal Newman's "idea of a university" might have translated into 21st-century terms, then you should look to Lviv, not Birmingham.

Actually, you should do more than look to UCU: you should support it financially, because you can be confident that every penny will be spent wisely, not on livesimply propaganda or other exercises in social engineering embraced by the Catholic Education Service.

You might say: why can't you sing the praises of the UCU without your ritual abuse of England's Catholic trendies? The situations of the Church in this country and Ukraine are very different.

True. But the UCU's ethos is Catholic, not Ukrainian, whereas the ethos of the UK's Catholic institutions is heavily influenced by public-sector dogma and can only really be described as Catholic-lite.

Incidentally, why don't we have a Catholic university? Perhaps we should ask Fr Gudziak how to start one.

Стевія - медова трава замінник цукру TOP

Багато сучасних людей щодня вживає надмірну кількість солодощів (в будь-якому вигляді - це  цукор, тістечка, печиво, морозиво, цукерки та багато інших виробів з великим вмістом цукру.) Надлишкове споживання цукру призводить до розвитку численних захворювань зубів, ясен, порушень в обміні речовин, зокрема таких важких як цукровий діабет, ожиріння, атеросклероз, гіпертонічна хвороба.

За даними Всесвітньої організації охорони здоровьяя (ВООЗ), у світі тільки від цукрового діабету, найтяжчого та практично невиліковного захворювання, страждає понад 100млн осіб. Вчені багатьох країн шукають способи запобігти  вживанню великих кількостей цукру.

Самий  ефективний засіб- вживання природного замінника цукру.Численні досліди підтвердили позитивні якості рослини СТЕВІЯ (медова трава) . Ще 1887 року ботанік Антоніо  Бертоні з Парагваю відкрив та описав екзотичну рослину із родини айстрових із надзвичайно солодким смаком. Французські хіміки Прідед та Ла-Вель, вивчаючи стевію як один з природних замінників цукру, виділили із цієї рослини речовину стевіозид, що має дуже солодкий смак, але не чинить на організм шкідливого впливу. Він солодший за цукор у 150-400 разів. Глікозиди стевії  дуже корисні для печінки- виводять токсини, нормалізують обмінні процеси  на клітинному рівні. В результаті - понижується рівень цукру, артеріальний тиск, зменшується вага тіла, краще функціонує сердцева-дихальна система.

Стевія містить білки, вітаміни А,С. Групу вітамінів В, мінерали та мікроелементи, тобто клітини отримають повноцінний набір речовин, потрібних для оптимального функціювання. Стевія позитивно впливає на діяльність печінки та підшлункової залози, перешкошкоджає утворенню виразки шлунку, усуває алергічні діатези у дітей, поліпшує сон, підвищує фізичну та розумову працездатність.

Ефірні олії стевії мають 53 речовини, які  знаходять різноманітне застосування в харчуванні, в косметології, для загоєння післяопераційних швів. Ця дивовижно корисна рослина та вилучений із неї замінник цукру допомагає підтримувати здоров'я на довгі роки.

Dіана Мережко , PhD ( dianamerezhko@gmail.com)

My reminder to Germany, the World War II greatest war criminal
TOP
According to the findings of the Institute of History of the Ukrainian Academy of Sciences, published in 1984, 8 million Ukrainians (2.5 million soldiers and 5.5 million civilians) were killed in WW2. In addition, 2.3 million of them were slave-labourers in Germany, and 10 were left homeless.

The above-listed facts alone do not prove, of course, that during WW2  there were no Ukrainian war criminals. There must have been some, even vile ones. After all, not all Ukrainians are saints!

However, to date, none of the numerous post-WW2, most-thorough and world-wide investigations by: assorted Wiesenthal and B'Nai B'Rith centres, Zionist movements, hordes of the so-called "Nazi-hunters", the KGB, Mossad, OSI, CIA, FBI and others, were successful in the discovery, let alone conviction in any Criminal Court of Law, of any Ukrainian guilty of any WW2 war crimes.

And it's highly unlikely that in the oncoming show-trial the "evidences" submitted to the German judicial big-wigs by the vociferous finger-pointing bigots and perpetual whiners of the partisan media, will b e adequate enough to convict the ailing 89-year-old Demjanjuk of being an ACCESSORY in killing by German assassins (are they still in jail?) of 29,000 inmates of the Sobibor concentration camp, some 65 years ago; thus, potentially making him the greatest and only Ukrainian WW2 war criminal.

Really, if Germany has any decency and is genuinely interested in the prosecution of WW2 war criminals, it ought to leave the eternally terrorized John Demjanjuk alone, and go after her very own war criminals. Undoubtedly, there must be many thousands of them still alive, who either murdered or were ACCESSORIES in the slaughter of 8 million (8,000,000 !!!) brave ukrainians, ecially Ukraine's 5.5 million peaceful civilian Untermenschen"

Myroslaw Prytulak
Windsor, Ontario, Canada

Double standard for war crimes TOP

http://www.leadertelegram.com/story-opinions.asp?id=BK4RFVQPK4L
6/7/2009

THOMAS MUELLER

We're concerned about German war crimes? Why aren't American war crimes prosecuted?

An 89-year-old man, John Demjanjuk, is being held accountable for things he most likely was forced to do during World War II, the same as U.S. soldiers must abide by their orders.

The United States has committed war crimes too, so why should the United States or anyone condemn this man for acting as he was ordered to? Maybe your son or daughter should go to prison for killing innocent people in any war the U.S. is involved in. What is the difference?

Shame on Behind closed doors, 3-part series-PBS TOP

June 8, 2009

Public Broadcasting Service
2100 Crystal Drive
Arlington, Virginia 22202

Re:  3-part series “Behind Closed Doors”
Stalin, Roosevelt and Churchill
Second World War
Ladies and Gentlemen:

Цього листа я вислала до PBS, хоч я свідома того що вони напевно викинуть до сміття. Я мала надію, що хтось з наших науковців напише (може якраз), бо тоді це мало б більший авторитет.
Якщо хтось має охоту - пишіт!!!

Оксана Кузишин


In my opinion, the above series was very biased and all events centered around Poland - other countries that were directly involved and suffered terrible losses during World War II were completely ignored.

When describing the territory of Galicia (in western Ukraine), it was constantly referred to as eastern Poland.  A viewer not familiar and not well informed about this part of Europe would not know that the reference was made to western Ukraine which was under Polish occupation at the time.  Also, the spelling of the city of Lviv used in the film was the Polish spelling LWOW and, of course, it was referred to as a Polish city.

When referring to Yalta as being located in the south of Soviet Union, in reality it was in the south of Ukraine (at the time the Ukrainian Soviet Socialist Republic).

Ukraine, which was divided between Poland and the Soviet Union, had an approximate population of 50,000,000 people but it did not exist in your series, neither did the Baltic States which also suffered terrible losses during the Stalin-Hitler war.  The genocide famine of 1932-33 in Ukraine was mentioned only briefly, and the fact that between 5 and 10 million people died of starvation was not elaborated on.  This genocide is very well presented in a book called “Harvest of Sorrow”, Soviet collectivization and the terror-famine, by Robert Conquest, a well-known English historian (Oxford University Press, New York, 1986). 

In looking through your list of books under the heading “Resources”, I did not see one book on Ukraine or other neighboring countries with Russia, other than Poland.  By the way, it was not objective and fair to mention the Katyn massacre numerous times during the series and not include atrocities perpetrated by the Soviets to other nations.  Also, in your Glossary under the word Slavic you wrote – “characterizing people in eastern and southeastern Europe, including those in Russia and Poland”.  What happened to Ukraine and Belorussia?

In one of the episodes the narrator mentioned that millions of Soviet nation died…That is incorrect – there was no Soviet nation, the Soviet Union consisted of 17 republics, each being a separate and distinct nation.

In your notes on the PBS.org  pages devoted to this series, under the heading “Struggle for Poland”, omissions were made in your description of resettlements made by the Soviets and Poles.  While you mentioned that Poles were resettled, nothing was said about “Operation Wisla” when 150,000 Ukrainians in the Lemko region were forcibly deported from their ancestral territories into the new lands that Poland acquired from Germany.*

I am enclosing a two page excerpt from the Ukrainian Encyclopedia, where World War II is described in more detail.  Also enclosed is a brochure on the Holodomor (artificial famine) of 1932-1933 which was recently published by the Ukrainian Studies Fund, 34 Kirkland St., Harvard University, Cambridge, MA 02138 .  I would very much appreciate it if you would pass on my letter with the enclosures to Laurence Rees, the writer and producer of the series, as well as Marek Brodzki, Assistant Director, and Prof. Robert Dallek, one of the historical consultants.

Thank you.
Very truly yours,

Oksana Kuzyszyn

cc: Laurence Rees, writer and producer
Mark Brodzki, assistant director
Prof. Robert Dallek, historical consultant

*Encyclopedia of Ukraine, Vol. V, pg. 727, Univ. of Toronto Press Inc., 1993 and
Vol. III, pg. 700.

Other useful bibliography

  • Orest Subtelny – Ukraine: A History, Toronto University Press, 2000
  • Volodymyr Kubijovyc, ed.  Ukraine: A Concise Encyclopedia (Toronto Univerisity Press, 1963)
  • Trophies of War and Empire: The Archival Heritage of Ukraine.  World War II and the International Politics of Restitution by Patricia Kennedy Grimsted, Harvard University Press
  • Harvest of Despair: Life and Death in Ukraine under Nazi Rule by Karel C. Berkhoff, Belknap Press, April 2004, Harvard University Press

Encyclopedia of Ukraine, Volume V, St-Z, pages 724-728,
University of Toronto Press 1993
The first step in the division, and also the start of the Second World War, was the German invasion of Poland on Sept. 1, 1939, following which Brtain and France declared war on Germany.  Soon thereafter, on Sept. 17, the Soviet Union occupied Galicia, western Volhynia, and Polisia, areas that had been under Polish rule since the end of the First World War.  In Nov. those territories were incorporated into the Ukrainain SSR.  Many Ukrainian political activists fled Soviet rule, and Cracow, in the German sector of former Poland, became an important center of Ukrainian émigré life.  There the “Ukrainian Central Committee was formally established in the spring of 1940. ...

Nazi-Soviet collaboration ended with the German invasion of the Soviet Union on June 22, 1941. The Germans took Lviv in June, Kyiv in Sept. and Kharkiv in Oct. Ukrainian Galicia was incorporated as a separate administrative district into the Generalgouvernement (the name which the Germans gave to the bulk of the territory of the former Polish state). ...

The Second World War in general was characterized by unheard-of violence outside the fields of battle.  The violence was particularly brutal in Ukraine.  When the Soviets withdrew from Western Ukrainian territory in June 1941, they shot, murdered, or burned to death nearly 20,000 inmates of NKVD prisons.  Nazi war crimes in Ukraine were on a yet greater scale.  The Germans killed hundreds of thousands of Ukrainian POWs by starvation, gassing, and other methods.  Millions of civilians were also murdered.  The Nazis systematically executed members of the former Communist apparatus of Ukraine and randomly killed many other Ukrainians.  The Reichskommissar of Ukraine, E. Koch, for instance, authorized the mass murder of Ukrainians living in an area he wished to make into a hunting preserve. Over two million Ukrainians were also deported to Germany to work as forced laborers, the socalled Ostarbeiter. Forced labor also existed in Ukrainian territory.  The Germans’ refusal to permit the dismantling of collective farms and their massive food requisitions also contributed to the misery of Ukraine’s population.

The Nazis singled out the Jews for extermination.  Within the first weeks of their invasion of Ukraine the Germans orchestrated a series of pogroms against the Jews in which tens of thousands perished; the Nazis recruited elements of the local population to conduct these first actions against the Jews.  Thereafter, the destruction of the Jews became more systematic and was carried out primarily by the Germans themselves. ...One of the most notorious of their killing grounds was situated at Baby Yar in Kyiv.  In the district of Galicia the Jews were, in the main, transported to killing centers, such as Auschwitz.  The Ukrainian Catholic metropolitan A. Sheptytsky condemned the genocide and registered his protest with Himmler. ...

Ukrainians fought on both sides of the Second World War.  By far the majority of the Ukrainians, about 4.5 million, fought in the Red Army against the Germans.  Others joined the Communist partisans, who included the prominent commander S. Kovpak.  There were also Ukrainian volunteer units in the German army, however, specifically the Legion of Ukrainian Nationalists (the Nachtigall and Roland units, which marched into Lviv in June 19941 together with the Germans) and the Waffen SS Division Galizien (est. April 1943)... There were also Ukrainians who fought against both Nazis and Soviets during the war, the members of the Ukrainian Insurgent Army (UPA).  Originally founded by T. Borovets in 1941, the UPA grew rapidly in the spring of 1943, by which time it had come under the political control of the Bandera faction of the Organization of Ukrainian Nationalists (OUN).  The UPA continued guerrilla warfare against the Soviet authorities into the mid-1950s. ...

Before the end of the war the territory of the Ukrainian SSR was expanded.  The Ukrainian territories that had been taken from Polish and Rumanian rule in 1939-40 were reincorporated as they were reconquered; in addition, Czechoslovakia ceded Transcarpathia to the Ukrainian SSR in June 1945.

The destruction and dislocation  in Ukraine caused by the Second World War surpassed even that of the First World War.  An estimated 6.8 million Ukrainians were killed…About 200,000 Ukrainian displaced persons ended up emigrating West, the vast majority were returned to Soviet rule through forced repatriation.  The extermination of much of the Jewish population during the war and a series of wartime and postwar population transfers and deportations introduced changes in the national demography of Ukraine.

In the Ukrainian SSR the official memory of the war was accompanied by an ongoing smear campaign against nationalist opponents of the Soviet regime that sought to portray the nationalists as Nazi collaborators and war criminals.  The purpose of the campaign was not to provide a factual account of deeds that had been done during the war years, but to besmirch Ukrainian patriotism of any sort as bourgeois nationalism…Consistent targets of official criticism included the Division Galizien, Metropolitan A. Sheptytsky, and the OUN).


Chronology of Soviet Ukraine and World War II from “Culture and Customs of Ukraine”, pg. xviii, xix, Adriana Helbig, Oksana Buranbaeva, and Vanja Mladineo, Greenwood Press, Westport, Conn., London, 2009

1922 - Ukraine becomes one of the four constitutive republics of the Union of Soviet Socialist Republics (USSR)

1932-33 - Forced famine/genocide causes 7-10 million deaths in eastern Ukraine

1938 - Joseph Stalin orchestrates the liquidation of the leadership of the Ukrainian Soviet government and Communist Party

1941 - Germany invades the Soviet Union
Erich Koch becomes the Reichskommissar of Ukraine
Most of Ukraine is occupied by Germany

1942 - The Ukrainian Insurgent Army (UPA) is organized in Volhynia and Polissia

1943 - The westward advancing Red Army captures Kyiv

1944 - The Germany occupation of Ukrainian lands ends

 

NDP leader Brian Mason finally apologizes for remarks -- Stalin would be proud of Stelmach government's land development TOP
http://www.ukrcdn.com/2009/06/09/ndp-leader-brian-mason-finally-apologizes-for-
remarks-stalin-would-be-proud-of-stelmach-governments-land-development/


On March 4, according to the official records of the Alberta legislature, NDP leader Brian Mason said that "Stalin would be proud" of the government's bill giving it power to freeze land development. As a result, in the final days of the sitting, Premier Ed Stelmach understandably complained how hurtful such words were.

Now, this comparison would be unacceptable in any decent politics, no matter who was in government. Stalin expropriated land, shipped owners off to freeze to death in the gulag, and starved out millions to make sure his collectivization produced enough food for the cities. It is every bit as absurd to suggest the government's bid to preserve utility corridors is similar to Stalin's land policies, as it is to compare occasional high-handed behaviour to that of Adolf Hitler. For the record, Stalin wouldn't have been "proud" of Alberta's government; he'd have laughed evilly at the absurd suggestion before having the person who made it taken out and shot.

[...]

It only took a entire month for Mason to get around to apologizing insincerely for his remarks, but given the almost 300,000 Canadians of Ukrainian descent in Alberta -- was this really just a 'cliché slur', or more Anglo hatred of Ukrainians in the prairies that has been going for over a century?

Complete article:
http://www.ukrcdn.com/2009/06/09/ndp-leader-brian-mason-finally-apologizes-for-
remarks-stalin-would-be-proud-of-stelmach-governments-land-development/

Re: Bachman taking care of business at Order of Canada reception TOP

Readers may wonder why Randy Bachman wore a vyshyvanka (Bachman taking care of business at Order of Canada reception, e-POSHTA May 29, 2009) - what would be his Ukrainian connection.

His mother is Ukrainian -- he's a Dobrinsky from her side (old Winnipeg family; there is a Dobrinsky Drive in the Maples section of Winnipeg).

Bev Dobrinsky of Zeelia (the singing group from Vancouver) is a cousin.

Orysia Tracz

Dr Iryna Mak Ilnycka (December 21, 1921 - June13, 2009) TOP

Dr Iryna Mak Ilnycka was born December 1st, 1921, the youngest in a family of four children to parents Maria and Mykola. Iryna was raised in a devoutly religious and patriotic family.  As a seven year old girl, Iryna joined the Ukrainian Scouting Organization, PLAST, which was banned soon after by the Polish government.

During the Russian occupation of Western Ukraine, Iryna worked for the Ukrainian National Trade Cooperative. When the Germans overtook Western Ukraine, Iryna strated her medical studies at the Lviv University.  These studies were continued in Gratz, Austria and completed in Innsbruck in 1949 with a degree as Doctor of Medicine.

Iryna and her classmate, Stephan Ilnyckyj, were engaged in Europe, after the war.  Iryna then sailed to Canada to join her brother Iwan in Saskatchewan.  It was in Saskatchewan where Iryna started practicing medicine in a local hospital.

It was a year later, when her betrothed arrived, that Iryna and Stephan were wed in 1951 in Alvina, Saskatchewan.  Soon after, the newlyweds moved to Sarnia, Ontario, where her husband started work at Imperial Oil as a research chemist, and Iryna continued to practice medicine in the local hospital.  It was in Sarnia that Iryna and Stephan started a family and had their five children: Roksoliana, Kassandra, Oleh, Motria and Ihor.  It was only after the birth of their third child, Oleh, that Iryna left her work as a physician to fulfill the responsibilities of motherhood. As her husband’s career flourished, Iryna and her family relocated several times and lived in Toronto; Maplewood, New Jersey; and Oxford, England.  With her husband’s ever expanding professional responsibilities, Iryna’s main responsibilities remained to raise her children, with a special emphasis placed on faith in God and love of the Ukrainian nation.

Iryna was an active member of many organizations in which her children were involved, including PLAST and Ukrainian school.  Iryna was a very committed member of the Patriarchal movement, as well as the Ukrainian Medical Association of North America, Toronto Chapter – she attended meetings with true interest and belief in continuing medical education.  Although Iryna had to stop formal work as a physician due to family responsibilities, she never stopped being a medical doctor and encouraged all of her children and grandchildren to pursue a career.

Iryna lived each day to the fullest. Regardless of physical illness and eventual waning of strength, Iryna was a solid example of power of determination and did daily exercise even into her last days.  She believed in goodness of mankind and had faith in every person she encountered.  Everyday, Iryna had goals and a disciplined plan, which helped her achieve so much in her lifetime. She is an example to all of us.

Upon return to Canada in 1980, Iryna dedicated herself to raising her grandchildren, and essentially became a second mother to all of them. 

In her last days, Iryna received many phone calls and letters from friends.  Among these was a letter from a grandson, whose words captured the essence of Iryna Ilnycka: “You are the heart of a most wonderful family.  You are the wife and sweetheart of my grandfather, a man I truly admire.  You are the mother of the most optimistic and outgoing man I’ve ever met, my father.  You are so many things to so many people.  You are a blessed woman, who is truly and angel on this Earth.  I love you, my Dear Baba.”

Др. Ірина Мак Ільницька (1 грудня 1921 - 13 червня 2009) TOP

Др. Ірина Мак Ільницька народилася 1-ого грудня 1921-ого року як четверта і наймолодша дитина в родині Миколи і Марії з Леґедзів Маків.  Віру в Бога і в українську націю від дитинства дали її Батьки.  Ірина відбула народню і середню рідну школу ім. Івана Франка яку закінчила в 1939-го році.

            В 1928-му році семилітною дівчинкою стала новачкою в Пласті, який рік пізніше був заборонений польською владою.  В роках московської окупації Галичини вона працювала в Українській Народній Торгівлі а в час німецької окупації почала студії на медичному факультеті львівского університету.  Ці студії продовжувала в Ґрацу і завершила в Інзбруку, Австрія дипльомом доктора медицини в 1949-ому році. 

            Заручившись ще в Европі зі своїм шкільним товаришем Степаном Ільницьким, відплила до Канади де проживав її брат-другий батько о. Іван Мак.  Тут покійна практикувала у саскачеванському шпиталі.

            Рік пізніше прибув її наречений і вони побралися 22-го липня

51-го року.  По шлюбі молоді переїхали до Сарнії де чоловік почав працю в Imperial Oil в дослідчих лябораторіях а покійна працювала як лікар в міському шпиталі.  Тут і народилися їхні діти Роксоляна, Кассандра, Олег, Мотря і Ігор.  Після народження третої дитини покійна залишила медичну практику через материнські обов’язки.  Поміж намаганням зберегти дітей в дусі української національної ідеї і професійними обов’язками чоловіка, доля кидала родину зі Сарнії до Торонта а відтак до Ню Джерзі і Оксфорду в Англії.  Професійні обов’зки чоловіка Степана поклали виховання дітей в першу чергу на Ірину, берегиню роду.

Ірина уділялася не тільки в організаціях де належали її діти – українська школа, Пласт – але також була активною учасницею Патріяршого руху.  Рівно ж брала участь в льокальних відділах медичного товариства і в шкільництві.

Покійна активно бралася до кожного дня. Не дивлячисьна фізичну слабість, до останнього денно вправляла руханку.  Вірила в добро людини. В Ірини кожний день мав свою мету, свій плян і все було виконано.

            Після повороту до Канади у 1980-ому році, в не меншій мірі покійна віддала себе своїм внукам.  Слова одної з внучок, написані коротко перед смертю, вповні віддають образ чим покійна була для своїх внуків:

 “Ти є так багато більше ніж Баба – ти  є Мама, товаришка, учителька.  Ти слухаєш всі наші турботи і справді дбаєш про них.  Ти мене навчила любити всіх і щедро роздавати мою любов; бути позитивною і сильною в трудних часах; помагати другим; важливість родини і Бога; бути самостійною і обстоювати свої принципи; важливість скромного і побожного життя.  Ти все зі мною є і все будеш – твоя усмішка, сміх, рука – яку я люблю тримати, твої щирі слова.  Я знаю що ми ще побачимося – на землі чи на небі.”

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